Pashtoons in Balochistan

Rebuttal to the ‘Untold Story of Pashtoons in Balochistan’

Adnan Aamir

A while ago I came across an article titled Untold Story of Pashtoons in Balochistan published in The Laaltain magazine. Having some serious disagreements on the facts and opinion mentioned in the article, I am writing this rebuttal so that readers can get to know the other side of the story. This writing is not meant to target anyone; it is just a modest effort on my part to clear some misconceptions and undo the distortion of some basic facts.

I am an ardent supporter of the rights of all ethnic nationalities including Pashtoons. I believe that smaller ethnic nationalities in Pakistan have been denied their due rights since 1947 through a framework of centralized political system. Pashtoons are also among the groups that have been suppressed and deprived of their rights. The primary responsibility of such deprivation lies with the state institutions, and not with the other nationalities such as Baloch.

The said article’s statement that around 7.5 million Pashtoons are living in Balochistan is a misstatement of mythical proportions. The entire population of Balochistan is estimated to be around 8 million; out of which 65 percent are Baloch and 30 percent are Pashtoons according to the Pakistan statistical yearbook.[i] Secondly there are 9 Pashtoon districts, 19 Baloch districts, while Quetta and Sibi have mixed populations. Pashtoons constitute a substantial part of population in Balochistan. However the assertion that half of population of Balochistan is ethnically Pashtoon, while Baloch population is less than half of the total population of the province, is far from reality. It must be noted that any demographic claim about Balochistan should not include Afghan refugees as they are not Pakistani citizens.

It’s true that before partition current day Balochistan was divided into two parts i.e. Qalat state and Chief Commissioner’s Province or British Balochistan. Qalat state consisted entirely of ethnically Baloch people while British Balochistan had both Baloch and Pashtoon populations. British Balochistan had Baloch districts of Naushki, Chagai, Bolan and Nasirabad and mixed population districts of Quetta and Sibi. Therefore it’s wildly untrue to say that British Balochistan was a Pashtoon only province. After partition Pashtoon districts were merged with Baloch districts to form current Balochistan but there was never a Pashtoon only province in the history of this region. It is also incorrect to say that under One Unit rule Quetta division consisted of Pashtoon majority areas only. It included Baloch majority areas of British Balochistan as well and therefore it consisted of mixed population of Pashtoon and Baloch. This argument is substantiated by the fact that in 1960, Nawab Khair Baksh Marri, a Baloch leader, was elected from Quetta division as member of National Assembly.

I would also question the racist undertones of a statement in the said article which declares that Baloch people consider Punjabis and Hazaras as invaders while Pashtoons consider them guests. One has to completely discard the reality to believe such baseless statements. The fact is that all of these mentioned communities have been living harmoniously in Balochistan until General Pervez Musharraf forced Balochistan into an armed insurgency. The Baloch civil society has always condemned the killing of innocent Punjabi settlers in Balochistan.

The fact that both nationalities are victims at the hands of the state should always remain the cornerstone of any debate regarding Baloch-Pashtoon issue in Balochistan.

As far as the question of new census is concerned, Baloch people have no issue with it provided it is fair and Afghan refugees are not included in it. Believing that Afghan refugees can be used to multiply the Pashtoon population is like turning one’s eyes, like ostriches, away from reality. Afghan refugees are not Pakistani citizens hence they are not entitled to be counted in any census.

As to the question of proportionate representation and share in government jobs and education, I believe Pashtoons are getting their due share according to their population ratio. And in some cases they are getting more than that. Provincial bureaucracy is considerably filled with Pashtoons. Pashtoons are entitled to get their due share in provincial setup but it is unwise and unfair to demand equal share for Pashtoons while Baloch are in considerable numerical majority.

No wonder Pashtoons have also been deprived of their rights but it is not the Baloch who are culprit in this case. Baloch are themselves victims of suppression and deprivation at the hands of federal government. The fact that both nationalities are victims at the hands of the state should always remain the cornerstone of any debate regarding Baloch-Pashtoon issue in Balochistan. If Pashtoons want to form their own province then Baloch would never have any problem with that. However it should also not be forgotten that whatever funds and resources Pashtoon population of Balochistan is getting from the Provincial revenue are mainly earned from Baloch areas, e.g. Sui Gas, Gwadar Port etc.

Baloch and Pashtoons have always lived side by side as brothers and till today they live in harmony. There are some miscreants who want to sabotage this harmony for their personal vested interests. Such elements should not be allowed to pursue their vested interests at the cost of inter-ethnic and provincial harmony.

“Adnan Aamir is a Freelance writer and Blogger. He tweets at @iAdnanAamir”

Read ‘Untold Story of Pashtoons in Balochistan’

[i] http://beta.dawn.com/news/708123/the-tricky-demographics-of-balochistan

The Untold Story of Pashtoons in Balochistan

Jawad Ahmed Khan

Disparity is a norm among various regions of Pakistan. A great number of people are marginalized and neglected at the hands of the government, the so-called independent media, judiciary and other powerful instruments of the state. Pashtoons residing in Balochistan are one such prominent example. Around 7.5 million Pashtoons have been living for centuries on a vast area of 45,000 square miles spanning from Sibi to Zhob, constituting 12 districts. Decades-long political maneuvering has forcefully annexed them with Balochistan.

Against the general mindset that Balochistan is a one-nation province comprised only of Baloch people, it needs to be brought to light that ground realities are starkly different. It can be argued that around half the population of Balochistan is ethnically Pashtoon. Some 8% are Punjabis, Hazaras and other communities, considered invaders and settlers by the Baloch and guests by Pashtoons. The rest, somewhat more than 40% , are Baloch. These are just estimations pending confirmation as the census results will be announced later this year.

Around 7.5 million Pashtoons have been living for centuries on a vast area of 45,000 square miles spanning from Sibi to Zhob, constituting 12 districts. Decades-long political maneuvering has forcefully annexed them with Balochistan.

Historically Balochistan was comprised of two parts; the chief commissioner province and the four states including Qalat, Lasbela, Kharan and Makran. The chief commissioner province, whose actual status was less than that of a province, was confusingly given the deceiving name of British Balochistan. In Jinnahâ€™s 14 points of 1929, the 10^th point asked for complete provincial status for Balochistan. In the Indian Act of 1935 and till the partition of the Subcontinent, both the states and British Balochistan were recognized and given separate representation.

After Independence, the crippling efforts of constitution building landed Balochistan the curse of One Unit which was actually a ploy by the establishment of West Pakistan to counter the majority population of East Pakistan (currently Bangladesh). Under One Unit, the Baloch majority states were given the name of Qalat division while the Pashtoon belt was named Quetta division. In 1969 when Yahya Khan announced the demolition of One Unit, the two parts of current Balochistan were unthinkingly combined into one province against the will of the Pashtoons. Since then this outrageous annexure of Pashtoon and Baloch areas has been strongly opposed and rejected by the Pashtoons.

The most popular and revered Pashtoon nationalist leader, also an icon of the independence movement, Abdul Samad Khan Achakzai Shaheed had led the movement against the forced joining of these historically disparate nationalities. He has also been supported by other prominent Pashtoon and Baloch leaders such as Khan Abdul Wali Khan, Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo and others, in his demand for the restoration of provincial status for the Baloch belt, and the joining of Pashtoon belt with NWFP (Currently Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa).

With this historical background, the Pashtoons of Balochistan have been demanding that the government conduct a fair census. The census will not only settle the question of majority population in the province but will also help geographically locate respective communities. This would be a first step towards the possible restructuring of the province. So far, in all government policies, including budget, education, public Â jobs etc. reference is taken from the census of 1997 which cannot be considered credible as the Pashtoon belt was not properly surveyed by the authorities. For this reason, the largest political party of the Pashtoon belt, Pashtoonkhwa Milli Awami Party (PMAP), does not accept the same census. Moreover the massive infiltration of Pashtoon refugees from Afghanistan over the past decade has also changed demographics a great deal.

Despite their great numbers, distinct historical background and multitude of talents, Pashtoons have not received due recognition and are subjected to discriminatory policies in the political and social domain. The most important official positions such as governor, chief minister, chief secretary, commissioner of the capital and others have always been given to the Baloch people. However, the outstanding success of the Pashtoonkhwa Milli Awami Party in the current elections is expected to change the equation. While Pashtoons also deserve them equally, most of the public posts are reserved for the Baloch only. The quota system for admissions in public sector educational institutions and government jobs is one such example of discriminatory policies. Recently 41 posts of grade 17 were announced and distributed in such a way that 36 seats were given to Baloch areas and only 6 seats were given to Pashtoons.

Undeniably Baloch people have been brutally suppressed and marginalized by the state and are deserving of positive action from the authorities to compensate for ills against them. But compensation for the Baloch should not come at the price of denying Pashtoons their due rights. Pashtoons believe in non-violent and democratic struggle for their rights. Taking that into account and learning from other suppressed nations like the Baloch, the state should not push any community to the point where armed struggle is the only option left.