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Revolt Against History…The Story of Punjab University’s Greatest Student Uprising

On 14 Nov. 2007 Punjab University witnessed a series of events that was unprecedented in the history of the institute. In the paragraphs that follow I shall recount the causes, dynamics and outcomes of these events.

Apart from being the country’s largest university, Punjab University also boasts a rich academic and social history. With three Nobel laureates emerging from its ranks, it has been a symbol of sustained excellence in Pakistan and a centre of anti-authoritarian and progressive student activism, with a strong culture of freedom of speech. Alumni from this institution have gone on to become leaders of this country.
However, over the previous three decades the university seems to have lost many of these traits. Academic standards are poor, bearing witness to a number of Plagiarisms. With the examination system demanding hardly anything other than rote learning, there appears to be an alarming absence of research culture and consideration of updated subject knowledge. But the most important feature of this is the repressing social policing, which strictly monitors any deviance from narrowly constructed moral and social standards. These standards often determine not only co and extra-curricular content but in some cases, the curriculum itself. With the few exceptions, most social spaces have been hijacked due to this issue.

Apart from being the country’s largest university, Punjab University also boasts a rich academic and social history. However, over the previous three decades the university seems to have lost many of these traits. Academic standards are poor, With the examination system demanding hardly anything other than rote learning, there appears to be an alarming absence of research culture and consideration of updated subject knowledge.

The real problem with this environment is an apparent compliance of the administration and students, most probably owing to the supposedly ‘moral’ element of these sanctions. Basically, this compliance factor is the most important element for analysis. Is it genuine compliance or merely a tactical gesture adopted for survival? A keen observation of campus life immediately leads in favour of the latter, although for several years there used to be a sense of denial surrounding this issue. Those in government and the media perhaps felt it was an issue not worth bothering with at all. One explanation of this has been the state’s apathetic attitude towards good governance, while another is the potential threat posed by such hooligan elements. The latter has particularly affected the media, the alumni and the students in varying degrees. As a result, scores of incidents of harassment and beatings on campus by self-proclaimed moral and social custodians would seldom make the news. However a vivid and undeniable example of the Punjab university student’s version of reality became evident after 14 November 2007. The events took place as follows.
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On 3 November 2007, emergency rule was declared in Pakistan. Political parties, civil society activists, journalists and students began protesting in full force and faced severe repression as a result. Against their precedent, students from Punjab University by and large adopted an attitude of indifference to the situation…but this was soon to change. The famous cricketer politician Imran Khan visited the university in hope of rallying students against emergency rule. Before he could do this, however, he was bullied, detained and handed over to the police by certain students, who thought his visit was an illegal entry into their zone. Confusion over the situation and heavy police deployment on campus hindered students from an immediate reaction, but as the facts became clear by evening; a spark was ignited in the dormant fuel of anger within the student body.

Emotions of anger, exuberance and even fear ran like an electric current through the ever swelling ranks of the protesting students, but the participants kept on moving. The five thousand strong rally visited the whole campus to protest against the repressive atmosphere in Punjab university that they had been witness to for several years.

The following day, without any prior plans and intensions a group of students from Law College started chanting slogans. They were soon joined by scores of other students from the college, who together started walking across the premises in an energetic pace, their number multiplying rapidly as they continued to chant. Emotions of anger, exuberance and even fear ran like an electric current through the ever swelling ranks of the protesting students, but the participants kept on moving. The five thousand strong rally visited the whole campus to protest against the repressive atmosphere in Punjab university that they had been witness to for several years.

The day after proved even more challenging due to late night threats that had been received. Nevertheless a great number of students, estimated at around eight to ten thousand, turned out to protest with renewed zeal. The day ended with a sit-in before the vice chancellor’s office, with students demanding immediate action from the authorities. A few more days of such activity involving similar number of students resulted in the vice chancellor’s announcement that the stated demands would be fulfilled.
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Some remarkable features of the movement included female participation (a rare spectacle in Punjab University), anti-dictatorship and anti-emergency slogans, a diverse array of participants ranging from conservative religious factions to communists, and fearlessness, despite the continuing threats and potential problems. It bore the elements of a typical revolt at the micro level, with traits like sudden, unplanned and fearless outbursts against authoritarianism and repression that were continually sustained till the goals were achieved. Student demands including an overall change of the campus environment, ranging from the administration’s attitude to hostel activities. All the while, of course, freedom of dissent, speech and assembly were the implied demands.

Despite its historic leading role in student activism, the Punjab University has no other example of such a mass movement. Decades of exploitation and suppression were slapped back. Those who lived the experience describe it as romantic and memorable, while those who observed from outside called it marvellous. Along with massive newspaper coverage, it invited a lot of well-known writer with direct or indirect past experience with Punjab University to express their critical views in a popular media.

Some remarkable features of the movement included female participation (a rare spectacle in Punjab University), anti-dictatorship and anti-emergency slogans, a diverse array of participants ranging from conservative religious factions to communists, and fearlessness, despite the continuing threats and potential problems.

As a result of the protests, immediate action was taken in the form of some expulsions and disciplinary measures. An environment allowing greater personal freedom slowly crept in. various new student organizations started working on campus, and some previously suspended co-curricular activities were restored. Most of the movement’s goals seemed to have been achieved, but this success soon turned out to be short-lived… an outcome that was predicted by some senior political activists.

After a period of relative calm, the recently activated student organizations started being victimised several incidents of beating and harassment occurred, culminating in an extremely brutal attack on a dozen students on 12 December 2008, where some of the victims were even shot in the legs. The administration reacted to these with disciplinary actions which were substantially insufficient. Since then, such incidents have once again started occurring in the University, and students once again find themselves being intimidated on campus.

Although such behaviour is restricted to certain elements and has consistently failed to gain mass support from the student body, an effective alternative platform for students is still missing. Students themselves can hardly be blamed for this, their struggle being witness to the fact that they have done more than could be expected from them despite decades of state sponsored de-politicization. Unfortunately, against all the recent atrocities, official silence over Punjab University’s situation seems to be an expression by the government of want of evidence, with the authorities being too handicapped to take note of the 14 November student protests. And so the sad fact remains that like most revolutions, the revolution of 14 November 2007 has been betrayed not by its leaders but by the state itself.


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Waging Non-Violent Action in Violent World

Imran Khan

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We live in an extremely violent world. States and transnational non-state actors use violence to achieve their political and strategic objectives, believing that use of violence is the most effective way to do so, notwithstanding that it does not work most of the time. Only the last decade (2001-2011) saw 9/11 terrorist attacks, a protracted and bloody war in Afghanistan, the American invasion of Iraq, Israeli aggression against Lebanon and Palestine, 7/7 bombing in London, terrorist attacks in Mumbai in 2008 and so on. Literally hundreds of thousands of people died in these violent conflicts and terrorist attacks. For that matter, the 20th century was perhaps one of the most violent centuries in human history, witnessing two world wars responsible for the deaths of millions of people.

Talking about Pakistan, we are used to violence in this country. In the weeks and months leading up to the creation of Pakistan, the sub-continent witnessed mass killings of both Muslims and Hindus in communal riots. In 64 years of Pakistan’s history, we fought four wars against India. We launched at least four military operations against our Baloch brothers because they offended the state elite by asking for their legitimate rights. Although we haven’t fought any war against a foreign enemy during the last ten years, more than 35,000 Pakistanis were killed during this period in hundreds of terrorist attacks carried out by fellow Pakistanis led by terrorist organizations.

Being an activist, a student of history and a Pakistani, I was carrying a baggage of violence when I went to the Fletcher International School to attend a course on Strategic Non-Violent Action (June 21-24). The people I met, the stories I heard and the ideas I was exposed to showed me the other side of the picture.

Even now as I write, Karachi – the biggest city of Pakistan – is burning due to ethnic-cum-political violence perpetrated by the armed gangs of mainstream political parties. They use violence in Karachi for their political ends. More than 100 people have died in target killings during the last two weeks. Not long ago, we witnessed the assassination of Salman Taseer, the then-governor of Punjab, at the hands of his own bodyguard for criticizing draconian blasphemy laws. Later, the Federal Minister for Minorities Shahbaz Bhatti – the only Christian member of the cabinet – was brutally assassinated under the same pretext. And yes, how can I forget the mysterious abduction and gruesome murder of the journalist, Saleem Shahzad.

Being an activist, a student of history and a Pakistani, I was carrying a baggage of violence when I went to the Fletcher International School to attend a course on Strategic Non-Violent Action (June 21-24). The people I met, the stories I heard and the ideas I was exposed to showed me the other side of the picture.

While I thought that 20th century was a century of war, bloodshed, suffering and genocide, it was also a century of strategic non-violent action, I was told. A century that witnessed many successful non-violent movements waged in different parts of the world.

I did not know about the role Gandhi’s philosophy of Satyagraha and the civil resistance movement played in the Independence Movement of sub-continent. I was not aware of the strategies anti-apartheid activists used in South Africa to bring down the brutal and repressive Apartheid regime. With my class-mates at Fletcher, I studied the strategies which pro-democracy activists used in Chile and Serbia to bring down the ruthless dictatorships of Augusto Pinochet and Slobodan Milosovic respectively. I heard about the non-violent Solidarity Movement against the repressive communist regime in Poland. These stories convinced me that non-violent action as a political strategy has always had better chances of victory than violent action.

Erica Chenoweth, the author of Why Civil Resistance Works and an assistant professor of government at Wesleyan University, previously a fellow at Harvard University, told us in her talk that empirical evidence from history proved that non-violent movements had twice as much chances of success as violent movements.

Erica Chenoweth, the author of Why Civil Resistance Works and an assistant professor of government at Wesleyan University, previously a fellow at Harvard University, told us in her talk that empirical evidence from history proved that non-violent movements had twice as much chances of success as violent movements. More than anything else, I was inspired by the great people I met at the Fletcher Summer Institute. People like Reverend James Lawson, a veteran of American Civil Rights Movement and a close associate of Dr Martin Luther King. Dr King once said: “Revered Lawson is the leading theorist and strategist of nonviolence in the world”. The volunteers Rev. Lawson trained in waging non-violent action launched a desegregation movement in 1960s in Nashville, a city in the US state of Tennessee, which eventually led to the desegregation in other parts of the US. The humble and soft-spoken reverend shared with us his experiences as a leader of civil rights movement.

It was a very enlightening experience listening to Jack DuVall and Dr Peter Ackerman – the founders of the International Centre on Non-Violent Conflict that hosted the course for us. Both Jack and Dr Ackerman have devoted their lives to the study and propagation of knowledge about strategic non-violent action. Identifying the elements required for the success of a movement, Dr Ackerman told us: “A civil resistance movement must unify the wider spectrum of society – young and old, all ethnic groups, religious groups, all economic strata – around a limited set of achievable goals. The second thing that is required is planning. There has to be the capacity for the leadership to look objectively at what its capabilities are, who it can mobilize, what tactics it can use, how to sequence those tactics that it has biggest negative impact on the opponent. The third element is non-violent discipline.” According to Dr Ackerman, these three elements are pre-requisite for the success of any civil resistance movement irrespective of the cultural and political context.

A civil resistance movement must unify the wider spectrum of society – young and old, all ethnic groups, religious groups, all economic strata – around a limited set of achievable goals.

While Dr Ackerman taught us the strategies of non-violent civil resistance, I was thinking about Pakistan. I was relating what he was saying to Pakistan. Our lawyers’ movement for the restoration of the deposed Chief Justice of Pakistan had all three elements. Different segments of society were united under the leadership of lawyers, who immaculately planned their every move, organizing long marches and using the traditional and digital media very effectively. Non-violent discipline was also there. No matter how much force Musharraf regime used against peaceful lawyers, civil society and activists, the latter did not respond with violence.

Dr Ackerman told us during his talk that the conditions under which activists work are always difficult and dangerous. However, he said, we witnessed during the Arab Spring that the conditions can be changed by the skills of the activists. Since the activists were successful in mobilizing hundreds of thousands of people because of their superior skills and planning, it was no longer as dangerous to protest against the tyrants as it was before. The dictatorial regimes had become weaker, whereas the people had become stronger.

My friend Ayman Qwaider is a Palestinian activist, who has witnessed the brutality of the occupiers while working for various humanitarian organizations in Gaza. However, he still strongly believes in non-violent civil resistance.

I made many amazing friends at the Fletcher Summer Institute. They are the people whose lives are an epitome of non-violent resistance in the face of oppression and tyranny. My friend Ayman Qwaider is a Palestinian activist, who has witnessed the brutality of the occupiers while working for various humanitarian organizations in Gaza. However, he still strongly believes in non-violent civil resistance. He thinks that brutality against brutality is not the solution. Born, raised and educated in Gaza, Ayman got a scholarship a few years ago to study in Europe. However, the Israeli Army refused to allow him to leave the strip because of their blockade. An undeterred Ayman launched a personal advocacy campaign on the social media, eventually forcing Israel to issue him a permit to leave Gaza. Mashallah Ayman has now completed his M.A in International Peace, Conflict and Development from a university in Spain and he is planning to continue his peaceful struggle for the liberation of Occupied Territories.

While India and Pakistan are archrivals, the people of two countries do not have innate hatred for each other. Far from that, we have so much in common. This is what I realized when I met Ayushman Jamwal, an Indian student from Cardiff University, at the Fletcher. We immediately became friends and spent most of our time together during the course. We discussed the history and politics of Indo-Pak relations. Ayushman criticized the atrocities Indian state has committed against Kashmiris and I castigated Pakistan for supporting non-state actors against India. Thank God neither of us was jingoistic, which made a constructive discussion and friendship possible. We discussed the curriculum taught in Indian and Pakistani schools and realized that both the states were teaching a pack of lies, a perverted and distorted interpretation of history to its future leaders. We concluded that whilst both states might continue their past policies, the people will have to come forward to make South Asia peaceful and prosperous.


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Imran Khan is a peace activist. He is currently working as Civil Society Campaign Manager at Alif Ailaan.


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An open letter to Imran Khan, Chairman PTI

Sheema Mehkar

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Dear Mr. Khan,

Before I proceed, please honor my request to call you Khan Sb like majority does. Khan Sb, without any hesitation I declare to be a proud supporter of PTI. On May 11, 2013, I casted my first ever vote to Imran Khan; for believing in all what PTI made me dreamt. Khan Sb, I accept, I haven’t done anything substantive for PTI to prove my adoration and respect for you. I might be standing far away from reality, with the most ignorant mind and incompetent soul. I am obligated to admit it here because many would question my right to say whatever I am going to say. Others might comment as if you don’t know and (Ah!) it is easy said than done. Khan Sb, I also seek pardon in advance as I never talked to anyone big like yourself. All this may sound gushy nonsensical rhetoric and probably no one on this planet would ever understand it. But, Khan Sb, you surely will understand. I am very sure of that.

Unlike many, Khan Sb, I am privileged to reside in the safest zone of Islamabad. I am blessed not to experience any loss of my dear ones in any terror blasts. Other night, a mere thunder made me fell off the bed subconsciously imagining if it’s a bomb blast outside and I am about to die. Khan Sb, we have reached at a verge of ‘agony’. Pakistan is sinking in the flood of terrorism and extremism; you know more than I do that where we are heading to. So, let me jump to the conclusion. Khan Sb, prior to the elections PTI claimed to be the only party well armed with ‘Counter Terrorism Policy’. Condemnations are becoming futile. Sympathies now get scars deepen and breed more hatred. People now prefer politicians to stay mute instead of uttering callous statements and making fake promises; they have stopped believing, Khan Sb. With huge disappointment, the same condemning statements are dragging PTI in parallel to the other parties and significantly your kind self to other politicians. The later aspect is a bigger woe as people really want to believe in you, Khan Sb. But, if the course remains the same; I worry, it might not last long, Khan Sb. For a second, I, like million others, can’t doubt your intention and integrity. But, Khan Sb, time is very cruel. It doesn’t weigh one as who has good intentions, but, who ‘did’ and who ‘didn’t’. The question is not that you don’t want or you can’t or you will not, but, when??

What if APC for yet another time will prove a fiasco? What if COAS will not agree in holding ‘closed-door-meetings’ with you? What if truth will never be told to you? What if Government will not come up with any strategy? That means we should stop hoping that somebody will save us? A deep-seated confusion persists on the subject matter, driving everyone’s head go spun. Khan Sb, I tell you, people vouch for your words. So, are you sure you are as clear on it as you are on the issues like rigging and governance in KPK?, I dare to ask. People are least concerned as whose war is this, what ‘behind the stage’ is going on and how complicated things are; they want one thing, ‘a solution’. They are ready to sleep with empty bellies, but, not with empty homes. Yes, I second, unless the complete truth is known strategies can’t be made. If nothing else, bring to us the policy that PTI claimed to have. Begin it with “as per the available information and truth…”, we will understand, Khan Sb. All this is not for a political sixer, but, those searching for a clue and direction may take guidance from it; even if it is of minute help.

Khan Sb, you made us believe in “Iyyaka Na’budu Wa Iyyaka Nasta’een”, ‘will’ we can witness, clearly, your bona fide demeanor is a testimony to that. Now a ‘substantive struggle’ beyond ‘…we strongly condemn’ rhetoric is awaited. I strongly wish some extraordinary upshot from the Government, but, all the expectations are decaying with each passing day. Khan Sb, people look up to you as their last hope and hopes bonded to you are too strong to die. But, there exists a fact: emotions are indigent of physical achievements. The clock is ticking and we are dying. Khan Sb, please save us!


(Sheema Mehkar is a Business Graduate from Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad. Currently she is working in an educational institution as a Faculty Development Program Officer.)


Also published in The Frontier Post

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Playing the ‘Kaptaan’

Annam Lodhi

An exclusive interview with Abdul Mannan Butt who played Imran Khan in the upcoming movie ‘Kaptaan’

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Releasing this May is director Faisal Aman Khan’s ‘Kaptaan’ – a film based on the life of cricketer-turned-politician Imran Khan after retiring from the world of cricket, entering politics and all the events that occurred in his life up to 2010. News of the film first broke in 2011, when the teaser track ‘Allah Hoo’ was released. Since then the movie has faced some delays but is now considered one of the most awaited films of 2013, despite a notable lack of widespread publicity.

The lead actor Abdul Mannan Butt is adding to his repertoire of modelling and photography by debuting as an actor in this film. A rapidly rising star (who actually bears an uncanny resemblance to Imran Khan and Hrithik Roshan), Mannan is a true Lahori and an amazing host. As I sat down to interview him, I must admit to being initially star-struck, but as we continued to talk the 32-year-old proceeded to make me feel comfortable and welcomed. And here is what he had to say:

Laaltain: So how did you get to where you are today?

Mannan:  Now that is some story – at least for me. I used to go to Anarkali regularly to learn typing, and in 1998 as I was passing by the place one day I was spotted by Khawer Riaz. Despite my repeated warnings to him that I knew nothing about modelling, he insisted that I come to his office. I figured I had nothing to lose so I ended up going. Having no background in modelling and the industry not being as popular back in the day, I had no clue as to who I was meeting. He was nice enough to introduce me to his family, after which he showed me some portfolios of top models. That’s when it sunk in who he actually was. Back then I knew it was a risky decision to enter this field, but I was curious so eventually agreed to try it out. I got my portfolio made and he forwarded it to other agencies. I still remember how happy my family was when they saw my commercial for the first time. [smiles]

Laaltain: So did you just carry on after your first commercial?

Mannan: Actually I kind of lost interest after that first commercial as I felt my curiosity had been sated. I received a handful of calls with offers for more work but I didn’t accept any of them, usually making up one excuse or another. As I said, I wasn’t as curious anymore, and it was just a hobby for me. My main goal was actually to become a businessman.

The kind of pressure involved in trying to depict someone like Imran Khan, who is clearly considered a living legend, is – to put it lightly – a backbreaker.

Laaltain: Then what brought you back?

Mannan: As clichéd as it may sound, it was when my interest was sparked once again. In 2000 I was selected for a fashion show. There were 70 of us, and I, for whatever reason, was in the top 7. I experienced a new high with that show, so in 2005 I joined the industry on a professional level. That is when it all really began for me. It wasn’t smooth or easy, but I was in it for the long-haul this time.

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Laaltain: Was the way to ‘Kaptaan’ easy?

Mannan: Well, around two years ago one of the agencies recommended that I approach Faisal Aman Khan, as he had apparently been trying to contact me. So I called him up and was asked to meet immediately. I went through the normal routine of screen tests and auditions, then they signed up Saeeda Imtiaz [who plays Jemima Khan in the film] and the work began in Pakistan.

Laaltain: You even look like Imran Khan!

Mannan: [Laughs] Yes, I have been told a few times. I think that is one of the main reasons I landed this role. But thank you, I can’t help but feel flattered every time someone says that.

Laaltain: How did the idea for ‘Kaptaan’ come about?

Mannan: Faisal, our director and producer, got his degree in filmmaking from the UK. He had the idea two years after he graduated, so he started the project independently, even writing the story on his own. He then met and interviewed Imran Khan in the UK regarding the project. Even my selection was done there.

Laaltain: Has this project received a lot of support from the PTI?

Mannan: Financially, no. But that is not the only support one needs. PTI was very helpful in every other aspect of the project. This being a biographical film, Imran Khan provided us with his life’s details when needed. As for PTI itself, they helped us shoot in places where, for many political reasons, a shoot would not really be possible.

Imran Khan is a leader. He does what he says. He made it his mission to win the World Cup, and it happened. With the current situation, the change will come slowly but surely.

Laaltain: Then where did the money come from?

Mannan: Faisal has financed the project himself. The budget is pretty modest; there is no sign of extravagance in the film. An independent project usually doesn’t get much financial help, so we tried to make do with the funds we had. This meant not being able to build sets from scratch, but as I said before, with PTI and Imran Khan’s help we were able to shoot in a lot of original locations, and that obviously helped a great deal.

Laaltain: Was there anything in particular that drew you to this project?

Mannan: Apart from an obvious appreciation for Imran Khan himself, it would definitely have to be my own experiences as well.  Like him, I lost one of my parents, my father, to blood cancer. It made me very hostile and I just wanted to do something to fight the disease. Naturally, thinking and doing are not the same thing. While I was only able to think about it, Imran Khan actually made things happen. Maybe I couldn’t do what he did, but the least I can do is relay his story to the world. Apart from this, it is any actor’s dream to work with a director who is not afraid of taking risks, and Faisal is exactly that type of guy. He doesn’t use the clichéd styles of directing we often see in Pakistan and I appreciate his methods.

Laaltain: Would it be an understatement to say that portraying the role was hard?

Mannan: Oh most definitely! The kind of pressure involved in trying to depict someone like Imran Khan, who is clearly considered a living legend, is – to put it lightly – a backbreaker. In a more visual way, growing my hair was one of the hardest parts. I have always had short hair, and it took me a good while to get it that long. Apart from that, copying his voice, mannerisms and body language was hard. But I went through his videos on YouTube and learned what I could. Another difficulty was copying his bowling style. I had to practice a lot to get it right.

A screenshot from the Movie 'Kaptaan'
A screenshot from the Movie ‘Kaptaan’

Laaltain: And what about shooting problems?

Mannan: Shooting in PTI-related areas was fairly easy, thanks to their support. The real issue came in respect to other political parties like PML(N) and MQM. When we tried to shoot in locations related to these parties we were regularly denied access or NOCs. So that was undeniably one of the issues. Overall, people refused co-operate because they belonged to other parties, or were in general against Imran Khan.

Laaltain: So tell us more about the movie itself.

Mannan: Well, it’s based on Imran Khan’s life. It focuses on all the highs and lows he experienced, starting from his cricket days but mainly focusing on events from his retirement up till 2010. The rest you will have to watch!

Laaltain: Does the name Kaptaan have to do with anything more than captaincy as a cricket player?

Mannan: A captain is someone who leads or commands. He has done it throughout his life. First with cricket, then cancer, then education and finally politics. Captaincy is his symbol, no matter what the context.

Laaltain: Would you mind telling us about the threats you received after the movie was announced?

Mannan: Oh several threats were received by both Saeeda [portraying the role of Jemima Khan] and myself. Having spent my whole life in Pakistan I have become immune to such things. However, Saeeda is a US citizen and for her it was a different story. After initially ignoring the issue, we finally had to complain to the police. Eventually the person responsible was found; his main objection was about how making this movie is haraam and against Islam. But he was just an individual acting alone, and we later also discovered that he was mentally ill.

Laaltain: Speaking of Saeeda Imtiaz, how was your experience with your first co-star?

Mannan: It was great. We developed an instant connection. She is a very humble person and adjusts well to her surroundings. I have worked with other women as co-actors and anchors, but I found working with Saeeda was exceptionally easy.

Laaltain: The movie’s release has been delayed already. Why?

Mannan: Money and politics. Our budget and various political reasons have been the main problem.

Our country excels in music and fashion, but lacks in filmmaking. It needs better directors and writers who do not play the old horse background music [laughs]. I would also like to promote film making amongst the youth so that more of them can study it and enter the field.

Laaltain: When can we expect a release?

Mannan: Insha Allah by the end of April.

Laaltain: Let’s talk about the politics now. Do you think PTI will fulfil its promises if it comes to power?

Mannan: We talked about this before. Imran Khan is a leader. He does what he says. He made it his mission to win the World Cup, and it happened. With the current situation, the change will come slowly but surely. During the course of his life, he has been shunned an ample amount of times. But he proved them all wrong. He pushed it all aside and did what he wanted to do. And to this day nothing has changed. He is still told off, and just as he has done before he will come out of the pressure and prove everyone wrong again. That is if he is given the chance.

Laaltain: You are free to stop or decline to answer if this one feels too political. But Imran Khan has been criticized for having corrupt members in PTI now. What is your take on this?

Mannan: Going back to Imran Khan’s one important skill: captaincy. He has to give everyone an equal chance and then weigh each one’s strengths and weaknesses. It is then his job to see who he wants to play and when. I think Imran is a captain in its truest sense, and knows exactly what he is doing. We need to keep in mind, though human, he is a leader. And his job is to think what everyday minds can’t.

Laaltain: Coming back to you, you have ventured into so many fields. What do you think the future holds now?

Mannan: I want to continue working on many projects, although I have learned to be selective with the passage of time.

I’m open to directing as well. Our country excels in music and fashion, but lacks in filmmaking. It needs better directors and writers who do not play the old horse background music [laughs]. I would also like to promote filmmaking amongst the youth so that more of them can study it and enter the field. Photography is also a great passion with me. I still do wedding photography.

Hopefully one day I will also fulfill my dream of starting a business.

Laaltain: Clothing line business maybe?

Mannan: Oh no, not at all. There are too many of those already. Maybe a men’s perfume line, manufactured solely in Pakistan. I think this country holds a lot of potential; people just need to go out there and explore it. On an unrelated note, I think there is also a lot of talent in Pakistan. Our whole crew was Pakistani. It was truly heartening to see.

Laaltain: And finally, any message for the youth?

Mannan: It may sound stereotypical, but do not stop studying. I have seen all these young people being charmed by the industry, but not everyone succeeds and not everyone is appreciated. I am not trying to demean anybody here. The basic truth is that some people have monopolised the field, and they don’t let newcomers in that easily or at all. It is a good industry, but it’s important not to let it cloud your other talents and ideas. There is a lot to learn and I suggest you keep exploring yourself, what you are good at or great at. If you find yourself a godfather, lucky you! Otherwise, become your own godfather. Know what people expect from you, what you can give and how you can do it.

Laaltain: Oh, and to break many hearts when are you set to tie the knot?

Mannan: [laughs shyly] well I am not engaged, I am waiting to get married. But it will happen soon Insha Allah.

Laaltain: Will it be love or arranged?

Mannan: It will be my mother’s choice, but of course it goes both ways. [smiles]

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‘Good looking Jamaat-e-Islami’

The Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) has significant influence in Pakistan’s domestic politics due to its strong representation in the media, its ability to show street power and its connection with both the security establishment and militant outfits. However, as far as its vote bank is concerned, it hasn’t done too well. The main reason for this could be that the JI carries the tag of Deobandi Islam, which most Pakistanis do not follow. Another reason is that although the general public is very narrow-minded and conservative in its religious outlook, it is very liberal and secular when it comes to personal lifestyle. It wishes death on ‘kafir’ (infidel) India; but will not stop watching Indian movies. It likes to hate the USA with a passion; but craves an Americanized way of living.

Both Pakistan’s establishment and the JI have felt the need to have a front organization with a moderate semblance for quite some time now – one which has the potential to win popularity in the masses. This desire was reflected in the JI’s creation of Pasban in the early 1990s. Its name was changed to Shabab-e-Milli when Pasban was banned in 1995 after its involvement in violence. Apparently, these were independent organizations; yet it was too obvious that they were JI protégés. The public postures of these organizations leaned more towards nationalism than Islam. To arouse enthusiasm, patriotic songs were played with music in Pasban’s rallies, which was against the traditional JI culture. The Cricket World Cup victory of 1992 was celebrated by Pasban all over Pakistan by holding Junaid Jamshaid’s ‘Pepsi-Pakistan’ concerts. Pasban was publicised in all possible ways. It, however, lacked a leader possessing the magnetism necessary to attract the public. Both the JI and Pakistan’s deep state were looking for a charismatic character like Jinnah and ZA Bhutto – someone who had the glitz of Western culture but a mindset of an Islamist. One senior JI member who had previously been the nazim of the Islami Jamiat Talaba (IJT) at Punjab University, Hafeez Ullah Niazi found the right person for this job. Niazi happened to be the brother-in-law of the cricketing super star, male sex symbol and Casanova of international repute, Imran Khan.

JI’s early nurturing of Imran

It was easy for Hafeez Ullah to preach Maudaudi’s Islamic ideology to Imran, who, after enjoying the best of this world was perhaps seeking the same for the next world.

Imran retired from cricket first in 1987, after his team’s defeat in the World Cup semi-final at Lahore, but reversed his decision at the insistence of General Zia ul Haq. After winning the 1992 World Cup as captain, he attained the status of a national hero, after which he finally hung up his cricket shoes. A series of articles written by Imran from 1987 to 1992, in which he criticised western culture and the British Empire and emphasised the promotion of one’s own Islamic-nationalistic identity, reflected the JI’s brainwashing. The JI had got hold of Imran in the early stages of his reversion to his native culture.

Imran, who wished to remain in the public eye even after retiring from cricket, started building a non-profit cancer hospital in Lahore. Pasban helped him in organizing the fundraising campaign for this purpose. Here, another double standard of the JI was exposed. Since the mid 1980s, Pakistani artists had been performing in shows in India. In return, event organizers in Pakistan tried to invite Indian artists to Pakistan. However, all such events had to be cancelled due to vociferous threats by Pasban. But in 1995 when Imran invited Indian movie stars such as Rekha, Vinod Khanna, Sonu Walia and Kabir Bedi to perform in Lahore for the fundraising of his hospital, Pasban did not object even a bit.

Similarly, JI has always slandered its rivals by finding faults in their personal lives. For instance, in the 1970s it targeted the ‘un-Islamic life style’ of ZA Bhutto. In public speeches and in slogans, it called Bhutto “sharabi” and “za’ni” (alcoholic and adulterer). However, Imran’s colorful life never bothered the JI. In the case of Bhutto, the JI went as far as to allege that his mother was a Hindu. When in 1994 Imran, the critic of Western culture and British aristocracy, married a woman from a British Jewish elitist background, JI did not even raise an eyebrow.

Making of PTI under JI’s fostering

Imran’s links with the JI are too obvious. Initially JI’s Qazi deployed its expert campaign designers along with two of Pasban’s founding members – Shabbir Sial and Mahmood-ur-Rasheed (elected as member of the Punjab Assembly on a JI/IJI ticket in 1988) – to help Imran organise his campaign for the 1997 election. The JI itself boycotted that election. Sial later served PTI as its president in Lahore, a position now held by Rasheed.

Ejaz Chaudhry, PTI’s vice president and incharge youth affairs, considered to be Imran’s closest adviser, is ex-JI and son-in-law of Maududi’s immediate JI successor, Mian Tufail Muhammad. Another VP of PTI, Abdul Hafeez Khan, is an ex-IJT nazim of Punjab University.

Since its inception, PTI’s governing body has been populated by ex-members or sympathizers of the JI. Usually, two parties develop a rivalry if members of one are snatched by the other. But in this case, JI members joined the PTI on the behest of JI, under an orchestrated infiltration of an up and coming party. Not only was Imran quick to forgive the IJT when its workers manhandled him at Punjab University in 2007, but the person he appointed as chief of PTI’s student wing (ISF), Ehsan Niazi, is also ex-IJT. Students running from the IJT because of its hoodlumism and joining the ISF will again find themselves under an ex-IJT man.

As elections draw near, the growing popularity of the PTI will attract opportunists from all political backgrounds. However, PTI will most likely retain its core group that has JI’s ideology deep-seated in its heart and mind.

PTI connections with Jihadists

During 1995-1996, just before the launch of PTI, Imran had numerous meetings with General Hamid Gul. Newspapers of the time were full of speculations that Imran and Gul were jointly launching a party to provide an alternative leadership to those fed up with bipartisan politics. This did not happen, probably to avoid the exposure of Imran’s close links with former members of the security establishment who were still close to Jihadi outfits.

However, Lt. General Mujeeb-ur-Rehman, who had served as secretary information during Zia-ul-Haq’s regime and was said to have close links with the security establishment, was one of the founding members of PTI and went on to become its secretary general. It is also worth noting that in 1997, soon after the launch of PTI, Imran toured Chechnya where, for one week, he was the guest of the president of Chechnya, Mujahideen rebel leader Aslan Maskhadov, who later instituted full sharia law in Chechnya.

Furthermore, PTI’s soft, apologetic stance on the Taliban issue is a well-known fact. Imran has been opposing military operations against the Taliban and trying to justify the movement as a “Pushtoon nationalist resistance against occupation forces”. He has been one voice with Islamist parties on the issues of war on terror, drone attacks, Aafia Siddiqui, Raymod Davis etc.

Imran’s right hand man, Ejaz Chaudhry, has close links with fanatic sectarian organizations like Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan. Chaudhry actively participated in the rallies of another extremist organization, Aalmi Majlis Tahaffuz KhatmeNubuwwat, notorious for its extreme hatred and incitement to violence against Ahmadis. Chaudhry took the podium at a rally held by them in favour of Mumtaz Qadri (the self-confessed killer of Salmaan Taseer) where he declared that he spoke for Imran Khan when he said that the blasphemy law is a godly law that no one should dare touch. Moreover, his discourse on the alleged involvement of the CIA and RAW in the PNS Mehran attack is identical to TTP-SSP-LeJ-JI rhetoric.

When in 2007 Imran was arrested protesting against the declaration of emergency by General Musharraf and detained in D.I. Khan Jail, the then TTP President Baitullah Mehsud threatened to blow up the jail if Imran was not released. His statement appeared in all leading newspapers and Imran was released within 24 hours. Later on October 02, 2008 when Mehsud made a public appearance in South Waziristan, local president of PTI Toofan Burki garlanded him and put a traditional pagri (turban) upon his head.

Another PTI member, Shireen Mazari (also known as ‘Lady Taliban’), who is its spokesperson and adviser on foreign affairs, is known for her advocacy of conspiracy theories in the media. She writes a regular column for the website run by Ahmed Quraishi (who gives Zaid Hamid a run for his money in promoting baseless theories to blame atrocities and actions of the Taliban on others). Mazari is said to have close connections with the security establishment. She is a regular lecturer at the National Defense College where her specialized subject is Islamic ideology. If the curriculum of the ‘educational revolution’ that Imran Khan wants to bring in Pakistan is going to be designed by likes of Mazari, then our schools will produce more Taliban than even madrassas do.

Will PTI deliver?

In his recent rally in Lahore, Imran Khan said nothing new but pushed the single-point thesis of the establishment in which all the problems of the country are attributed to the corruption of the politicians. This is the agitprop that the deep state of Pakistan has been amplifying through the media since the restoration of the democratic system in 1988 and on the pretext of which many elected governments were dismissed halfway through their mandated period. Imran has strengthened the belief of the common man that corruption really is the actual cause of all his miseries, which is only a small part of the truth. The hyperbole of this overstatement has always been aimed at playing down and concealing the root cause of the country’s actual distress, which in fact is the jingoism and martial plans of our establishment. The establishment is eating up our country’s limited resources and, along with the bigoted mullahs, is the major obstacle to our nation’s progress. Imran Khan represents both these elements.

This disparate nation is once again seeking a remedy for its problems from the source of the problem itself. If Imran Khan now has the cure of the problems of the country, then the JI had it all along. In that case, the people of Pakistan were fools for not electing the JI a long time ago.