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پتھر ناراض ہیں

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یہ موت ناقابل قبول ہوگی،ان پرندوں کے لیے، جو اس ننھی سی جان کی چیخوں کو اپنے سینے میں دہکتا ہوا محسوس کریں گے۔ ان کٹ کھنے، مردار خور کتوں کے لیے، جن کی آنکھوں نے آج سے پہلے کسی انسان کو دوسرے انسان کا بدن اس طرح بھنبھوڑتے ہوئے نہ دیکھا ہوگا۔

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شادی میں دیے گئے دھوکے کے بدلے، کسی انسان کو زمین میں آدھا گاڑکر اس پر پتھر نہیں برسائے جاسکتے، اسے جانوروں کی طرح کھونٹے سے باندھ کر اسی یا سو کوڑوں کی سزا نہیں سنائی جاسکتی، اور جب تک یہ ہوتا رہے گا، گناہوں کا عمل لحاف کے اندر جاری رہے گا، ایک ایسا عمل، جس کا پول جب کھلے گا، تب اسی قسم کی کسی سزا کی خبر سے دنیا کی ننگی آنکھیں، جلتی ہوئی تصویروں پر چلنے کے لیےمجبور ہوجائیں گی۔

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کیا ہم اب جنگ، نفرت اور غریبی کو مٹانے کے لیے وہ قربانیاں نہیں دے سکتے، جو کبھی ہم نے اپنے وطن کو آزاد کرانے کے لیے دی تھیں۔

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ان پتھروں سے جن سے صنم تراشے جاسکتے ہیں، جن سے بندگی کی ایک شکل کو پیدا کیا جاسکتا ہے، جن کے اندر ہزاروں رحم، خوف، یقین اور سچائی کی شکلیں چھپی ہوئی ہیں، ایک جرم کروایا گیا ہے، افغانستان میں۔ مجھ جیسے لوگوں تک جو خبر پہنچی ہے، جو ویڈیو ہم تک آئی ہے، اس کے ذریعے ہم یہ جان سکے ہیں کہ ایک لڑکی، جس کا نام رخسانہ تھا، جو پھولوں کی طرح معصوم، وقت کی طرح زندہ اور پانی کی طرح رواں دواں تھی، ایک دن اس کی شادی اس کی مرضی کے خلاف کرادی گئی، وہ اس شادی کے خلاف ہی ہوگئی، مگر اس کی کون سنتا ہے، اسے ایک شخص کے پلے باندھ دیا گیا تھا۔ میں یقین سے کہہ سکتا ہوں کہ وہ شخص ظالم ہوگا، مذہب سے میری ہزار لاتعلقی اور بغاوت کے باوجود مجھے پورا یقین ہے کہ اس معاملے میں اسلام کا قانون اس لڑکی کے حق میں پتھروں کی سزا سنانے کی اجازت کبھی نہ دیتا۔ اس لڑکی کو وہ شخص پسند نہیں تھا، سماج کا خوف، آس پاس کا ڈر، اوران سب کے درمیان اٹھنے والا کہیں سےمحبت کا وہ معصوم جذبہ، جو اس کے دل میں کسی نامعلوم لڑکے نے جگا دیا ہوگا، وہ لڑکی اس محبت کی سیڑھیوں پر چڑھ کر آگ میں کود گئی، یہ سوچے بغیر کہ وہ آگ میں نہیں کود رہی، پتھروں کے سمندر میں ڈوبنے جارہی ہے، جہاں اس کے چہرے، اس کے لب، اس کی آنکھوں اور بدن کے دوسرے حصوں سے خون ابل پڑے گا، اس کی معصوم کھال ادھڑجائے گی، اس کی چیخوں سے شیطان کے باغیانہ سجدے کا غرور تہس نہس ہوجائے گا، وہ دھیرے دھیرے زخموں کی ایک گہری کھائی میں گرتی جائے گی اور اس کی چیخیں ماند ہونے میں پورے دو سے ڈھائی گھنٹے کا وقت لگے گا۔ اس پورے دور میں آس پاس کی کرخت زمین سفاک لوگوں کے پیروں سے لپٹ لپٹ کر آسمان والے خدا کی دہائیاں دے گی، پتھر اس موم جیسے بدن پرگرنے سے پہلے عارضہء قلب سے مرجائیں گے، وقت کا غرور چکنا چور ہوچکا ہوگا اور سیسہ اگلتی ہوئی دوزخ کی نہروں میں دو گز داڑھیوں کا حصہ لکھا جارہا ہوگا۔ یہ موت ناقابل قبول ہوگی،ان پرندوں کے لیے، جو اس ننھی سی جان کی چیخوں کو اپنے سینے میں دہکتا ہوا محسوس کریں گے۔ ان کٹ کھنے، مردار خور کتوں کے لیے، جن کی آنکھوں نے آج سے پہلے کسی انسان کو دوسرے انسان کا بدن اس طرح بھنبھوڑتے ہوئے نہ دیکھا ہوگا۔کیونکہ یہ پرندے اور یہ کتے ماقبل تاریخ کے کتے نہیں ہیں، یہ ایٹمی جنگوں، ڈرون حملوں اور نیوکلیر طاقتوں کے زیر سایہ پل کر جوان ہونے والے تنومند گوشت پسند ہیں، جن کی بھوک بارود میں لپٹے ہوئے ، بدبودار انسان کے چیتھڑے کھانے سے انکار کرچکی ہے،جو اپنے گزارے کا سوال تقدیر کے ہاتھوں میں سونپ چکے ہیں۔

 

میرا جذباتی تاثر جو بھی رہا ہو، مگر یہ مانتا ہوں کہ یہ لوگ اسلام کے پیروکار نہیں ہیں، غور کرنے پر یہ بات سمجھ میں آتی ہے کہ بنیاد کا انکار کرکے، قانون کا اطلاق کرنے والی قوم، اپنی شناخت کی حقدار نہیں ہوسکتی۔ کیا ان لوگوں نے اس لڑکی کو تعلیم دلوائی تھی؟ کیا ان لوگوں نے اس لڑکی کی مرضی کے خلاف نہ جانے کا فیصلہ کیا تھا؟ کیا ان لوگوں نے اس لڑکی کو شادی کے بعد پیش آنے والے مسائل کے بارے میں ان سے کھل کر بات کرنے کی اجازت دی تھی؟ کیا یہ لوگ اسلامی تاریخ، اسلامی قانون کے وہ سب سے طاقتور دن بھول گئے، جب اسلامی حکومت کا ایک خلیفہ کسی عورت کے جنسی معاملے میں صبر کے تعلق سے استفسار کرتے وقت، اپنی بیٹی سے مخاطب ہوتے ہوئے بھی نہیں ہچکچایا، اسلام نے عورت کے بارے میں کیا فیصلے کیے ہیں اور کیا نہیں، اس پر بعد میں بات کریں گے، مگر پہلے یہ غور کرنے کی ضرورت ہے کہ ان لوگوں نے کیوں اس عورت کو وہ بنیادی حقوق نہیں دیے، جس کی اجازت ان کا مذہب انہیں دے چکا ہے۔ کیوں صرف سزا دیتے وقت، صرف تکلیف پہنچاتے وقت، انہیں اسلام کی یاد آئی، کیوں انہیں کریہہ معاملے میں، ایک سخت جان، ایک بد شکل عقوبت کے سلسلے میں مذہب یاد آیا اور اس وقت وہ مذہب کی تعلیمات کو بھول گئے، جب اس عورت سے وہ سوال پوچھے جانے چاہیے تھے، جن کی وہ حقدار تھی۔ افغانستان کا وہ معاشرہ جس نے یہ حرکت کی ہے، غیر اسلامی ہے، غیر تہذیبی ہے اور اسے صدیوں کا سفر طے کرنا ہے ان بنیادی انسانی آزادیوں پر مبنی معاشرت اختیار کرنے میں جسے انسانوں کے رہنے لائق قرار دیا جا سکے، مگر ظاہر ہے کہ یہ سب فی الحال ناممکنات میں سے ہے۔

 

بات رخسانہ کی ہورہی ہے، اس کی تکلیفیں اب نروان پا چکی ہیں، مگر پھر بھی کچھ سوالات ذہن میں آتے ہیں۔ ہم سب کو یہ تسلیم کرنا چاہیے کہ سزاوں کے معاملے میں کسی بھی ملک کو گردن ماردینے، پتھروں سے جسم ادھیڑ دینے، گولی ماردینے یا پھانسی پر لٹکادینے جیسی بھیانک باتوں کی مخالفت کرنی چاہیے۔ یہ مخالفت اس لحاظ سے بھی ضروری ہے کہ انسان کا کوئی بھی جرم ، ثابت ہونے کے بعد مجرم کو اپنے جرم کی سخت گیری، گندگی اور غلاظت کا بھرپور جائزہ کروانے کی ضرورت ہے، قتل کردینے والے کو ماردینا، ایک دوسرے قتل کی واردات کا منطقی نتیجہ تو ہوسکتا ہے، مگر اس سے دنیا کو کچھ نہیں ملے گا، دنیا بدلے گی تو اپنا کردار بدلنے سے، اسے دیکھنا ہوگا، اسے فیصلہ کرنا ہوگا، خاص طور پر ایشیائی ممالک کو، خواہ وہ کسی مذہب، کسی دھرم، کسی پالیسی یا نظریے سے وابستہ ہوں، کہ آخر جرم کے کوڑھ کو دور کرنے کا صحیح راستہ کیا ہے۔ ہم اکیسویں صدی میں داخل ہوچکے ہیں، ہم ہتھیاروں کے سایے میں اور قتل گاہوں میں سجی ہوئی قبروں پر بیٹھے ہوئے لوگ ہیں، اس لیے اس بارے میں ہماری سوچ ہی شاید کچھ نئی بات پیدا کرسکے۔ ہمیں اس معاملے میں دو باتوں پر غور کرنے کی ضرورت ہے، اول تو یہ کہ جرم کیا ہے، اور دوسرے یہ کہ جرم اگر ہے، تو کتنا سنگین ہے، ان دو باتوں کے بعد ہمیں یہ سمجھنا ہوگا کہ اگر ایک شخص اپنی شادی سے ناخوش ہوکر کسی دوسرے فرد کے ساتھ بستر میں پایا گیا ہے، تو یہ کسی کے نفسیاتی نقصان کا باعث ضرور ہے، اس نفسیاتی نقصان کی تلافی کے راستے ہمیں ڈھونڈنے ہوں گے۔ ہمیں معلوم کرنا ہوگا، جاننا ہوگا کہ آخر ہم وہ راستے کس طرح پیدا کریں کہ اس طرح کے حادثے، اس طرح کے نفسیاتی نقصانات پیدا ہی نہ ہوسکیں، لیکن اگر ایسا کوئی نفسیاتی نقصان ہوتا بھی ہے، خواہ وہ دنیا میں کتنے ہی بارسوخ شخص کا کیوں نہ ہو، اس کا بدلہ کوئی بھی انسانی جان نہیں ہوسکتی۔ شادی میں دیے گئے دھوکے کے بدلے، کسی انسان کو زمین میں آدھا گاڑکر اس پر پتھر نہیں برسائے جاسکتے، اسے جانوروں کی طرح کھونٹے سے باندھ کر اسی یا سو کوڑوں کی سزا نہیں سنائی جاسکتی، اور جب تک یہ ہوتا رہے گا، گناہوں کا عمل لحاف کے اندر جاری رہے گا، ایک ایسا عمل، جس کا پول جب کھلے گا، تب اسی قسم کی کسی سزا کی خبر سے دنیا کی ننگی آنکھیں، جلتی ہوئی تصویروں پر چلنے کے لیےمجبور ہوجائیں گی۔ لوگوں کو اس معاملے میں تعلیم یافتہ کرنے کی ضرورت ہے، اول تو ایسا کوئی رشتہ بننا ہی نہیں چاہیے، جس میں دو لوگوں کی آپسی رضامندی شامل نہیں ہے، چاہے وہ رشتہ کسی بھی شخص کے لیے کس قدر مادی، سیاسی یا سماجی فائدے کا باعث کیوں نہ ہو۔ ہمیں لڑکے اور لڑکیوں کے اس نفسیاتی معاملے پر کھل کر بات کرنی ہوگی، جس سے ان کے جنسی معاملات وابستہ ہیں، کسی بھوکے کے ساتھ بستر میں خوش رہنے والا بدن، ضروری نہیں کہ کسی رئیس کے ساتھ نان اور قورمہ کھاتے وقت بھی اتنی ہی مسرت محسوس کرے گا، کسی آزاد خیال مرد کے دماغ کا سرا کسی کندذہن یا سخت قسم کی مذہبی عورت کے ہاتھ میں نہیں دیا جاسکتا۔ یہ سارے معاملات وہ ہیں، جن پر ہمارے غریب وامیر طبقے کے ماں باپ کو سوچنے کی ضرورت ہے، جن پر پنچائتوں کو غور کرنا چاہیے، جن پر حکومتوں کو سر جوڑ کر بیٹھنا چاہیے۔

 

لیکن ظاہر ہے کہ ہم سیاسی طور پر اتنے رندھے، گندھے قسم کے لوگ ہیں، کہ اپنی بے وقوفیوں سے باز نہیں آتے۔ صدیوں سے استعمال ہوتے آرہے ہیں، مگر مذہبی، سیاسی لوگوں کے ہاتھوں استعمال ہونے کے عذاب سے چھٹکارا نہیں حاصل کرتے۔ ہمیں اوچھے، بیکار قسم کے مسائل سے باہر آکر ، اکھٹے ہوکر کہنا پڑے گا کہ ہم بھوک سے لڑنے والے لوگ ہیں، جنسی عدم تسکین سے لڑنے والے لوگ ہیں، ہمارے ہاتھوں کے کٹوروں میں فرقہ پرستی، اقربا پروری، قوم پرستی اور ایسے دوسرے ٹکڑے مت ڈالو، ہمیں زندہ رہنا ہے، ہمیں چاہیے کہ جو حکومتیں ہمارا پیٹ نہیں بھرسکتیں، جو ہمیں پانچ سال جیسے بڑے عرصے میں ترقی کی ایک ہلکی سی کروٹ نہیں دکھاسکتیں، ان کی مخالفت کریں۔ اس مخالفت کے بدلے میں ہم جتنی بھی مار سہیں، جتنی بھی پریشانی اٹھائیں، ظاہر ہے کہ وہ رخسانہ اور فرخندہ جیسی لڑکیوں سے کہیں کم ہوگی، جنہیں اپنی زندگی کو اپنی ایک بہت چھوٹی سی شرط پر گزارنے کے بدلے میں ایذادے دے کر ماردیا گیا ہے۔ ہم لوگ اگر ان اموات سے بھی نہیں جاگتے ہیں، تو پھر ہم کتنی اور موتیں دیکھنے کا انتظار کررہے ہیں؟ کیا ہم اب جنگ، نفرت اور غریبی کو مٹانے کے لیے وہ قربانیاں نہیں دے سکتے، جو کبھی ہم نے اپنے وطن کو آزاد کرانے کے لیے دی تھیں۔ ہندوستان اور پاکستان کی نفرت بھی ختم ہونی چاہیے، یہ دونوں ممالک بالآخر ایک ہی خمیر رکھنے والے ملک ہیں، ان کے عوام کی سوچ میں فرق نہیں ہے، ان کے رہنے سہنے، کھانے پینے، ہنسنے بولنے کے طور طریقوں میں فرق نہیں ہے، میں ایک بھری پری ہندو آبادی والے ملک میں رہتا ہوں، میرے بہت سے ہندو دوست ہیں، اگر آپ کو کوئی مُلایہ سکھاتا ہے، کوئی کتاب یہ بتاتی ہے کہ ہندو قوم نفرت کرنے کے لائق ہے، تو یقین جانیے وہ جھوٹی ہے۔ آپ نے کبھی ہندو دوست بنائے ہیں، کبھی ان کے ساتھ راتیں گزاری ہیں؟ یہ زندگیوں کے حمام میں ہماری طرح خاکی کھالیں لپیٹے ہوئے وہ لوگ ہیں، جو اتنے ہی سچے اور اتنے ہی جھوٹے ہیں، جتنے مسلمان یا کسی بھی اور مذہب کو ماننے والے ہو سکتے ہیں۔ اس سیاست کواب ختم ہونا چاہیے جو اتنے برسوں سے ہمارا اور آپ کا استعمال کرکے خود اپنے ہاتھوں پر چاندی کے غلاف چڑھائے ہوئے ہے، اور ہمیں جنگ، خون اور ٹوٹی پھٹی آنتوں میں لپٹے ہوئے خواب دکھانے کی کوشش کرتی ہے۔ مذہب انسان کی بنیادی شناخت ہوسکتا ہے، اس کی زندگی کا آخری حوالہ نہیں۔ اس لیے آگے بڑھیے، اپنے آگے کھنچی ہوئی اس ریکھا کو پار کیجیے جو کسی لکشمن نے نہیں بلکہ خود راون نے کھینچی ہے۔ جو آپ کو کبھی زندگی کے اس رخ تک پہنچنے ہی نہیں دینا چاہتا، جہاں ترقی میں ڈوبے ہوئے، ہنستے کھلکھلاتے، سچے اور جنت نما نظارے موجودہیں، جن کو جنت کے کسی وعدے کی ضرورت نہیں ہے، بلکہ انہوں نے اپنی جنت خود بنائی ہے، یہ دھرتی، یہ سرزمین بہت پیاری ہے، مگر اس کے پتھر ہم سے ناراض ہیں، آپ خدا کو خوش کیجیے نہ کیجیے، صنم کو خوش رکھیے نہ رکھیے، مگر پتھروں کو ناراض نہ کیجیے، یہ ہمارا سب سے بڑا سرمایہ ہیں۔

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“We are overcoming history”

Ammara Ahmad talks to the Afghan ambassador to Pakistan, His Excellency Janan Mosazai, about trade, terrorism, and cricket.

Ammara Ahmad: A few months ago, you said that this is the ‘new chapter” for relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan. What exactly did you mean?

His Excellency, Janan Mosazai: There has been a new beginning after the election of the National Unity government, especially after President Ghani’s historic visit to Pakistan in November last year, when the governments of the two countries started high-level strategic dialogue that has been ongoing, both on security and economic cooperation. One thing that we always have to bear in mind, at least from the Afghan perspective, is that the destinies, future and presence of both countries are inextricably linked to each other. What does this mean? This means that peace and security in Afghanistan will have an immediate positive impact on peace and security in Pakistan. It also means that the economic development of Afghanistan and Pakistan is closely dependant on each other.

Look at the energy situation in Pakistan. It is one of the key priorities of the government of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. Where are the largest energy reserves in this region? Central Asia. And the only efficient way for Pakistan to access them is through Afghanistan and we are fully committed. Afghanistan is fully prepared to realize its own role in the region as a land-bridge, a roundabout, connecting South Asia with Central Asia, and these two regions to West Asia, Iran and the Middle East, while also enhancing connectivity to China.

AA: Chief Executive Abdullah Abdullah has said that if Pakistan wants access to Central Asia, it should give Afghanistan the access to India. Do you think that is possible in the near future?

H.E: We should be able to take concrete steps when it comes to realizing the common vision of an integrated region. One would hope that it would be possible. That’s what leadership demands and that’s what Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has spoken about clearly for a long time. That’s exactly the mission of President Ashraf Ghani. It is the common vision that resulted in the creation of the South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation.

AA: Has Zarb-e-Azb played a positive role in this?

H.E: You see, whatever steps the countries of this region but specifically Afghanistan and Pakistan take to counter the threat of terrorism and extremism is a positive step for all the countries in this region. The same is true for the operations we undertake, on a daily basis, especially right now against the so-called “spring offensive” and the heightened number of attacks that we are countering. That also contributes to the peace, security and stability of the regions. And that’s not just in defense of Afghanistan but Afghanistan acting as a frontline state against terrorism.

AA: How would you respond to the claims that many militants escaped into Afghanistan before the operation started?

H.E: There is broad agreement between our two governments that the terrorists are more capable of going back and forth across frontiers, boundaries and borders. And states, especially of this region, are slower to respond, coordinate and cooperate. That is why we have a significant terrorist threat in this region and continue to lose a large number of innocent civilians. And this is why there is emphasis, specifically from President Ghani that both sides need to evolve effective mechanisms, better coordination and cooperation, so that we can go after these terrorists.

AA: Have you made any progress in cooperation? Is this why there are frequent meetings between high-level officials of the two countries?

H.E: The strategic dialogue that has been taking place between Afghanistan and Pakistan, since the visit of President Ghani to Pakistan in November, we have made progress. Now there is a convergence on the view of what the threat is, on the fact that we need to go after terrorists who are destabilizing both the countries and that we need to go after them without any distinction. Now the task is to come up with an offer to strengthen those existing methods for result-oriented cooperation.

AA: Is President Ghani under public pressure to show something concrete for his shift towards Pakistan and has he given Pakistan a deadline to broker talks with Afghan Taliban?

H.E: I think you would agree that the expectations and hopes of this region, particularly the people of Afghanistan and Pakistan are to see concrete progress in efforts towards peace. And any step that we take towards peace in Afghanistan will have a positive effect on peace in Pakistan and vice versa. There is a common understanding and an agreement on the fact that Pakistan has a key role to play when it comes to supporting our peace efforts and reconciliation in Afghanistan and it our hope that we see the tangible progress in this arena.

AA: At one point there was news of a joint operation but it was cancelled. Is there a chance of that happening in the future?

H.E: We have never had any discussion on joint operations. What we have discussed and agreed to explore and undertake are coordinated or simultaneous operations. Afghan and Pakistani forces along the Durand line will coordinate their operational plans so that when Pakistani forces are conducting an operation on the Pakistan side of the Durand Line, the Afghan forces are fully in the picture. They also are aware of what’s going to happen on the Pakistan side of the line, to make sure that there is no ingress of fleeing terrorists and to stop them, arrest, counter or to go after them. And the same is for operations we plan in Afghanistan. We have had high-level exchanges between senior officers at the two-star, one-star level and lower levels in Afghanistan and Pakistan.

AA: What do you think about the claims that leaders of Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan, particularly Fazlullah, have found safe havens in Kunar?

H.E: Well this is a claim that is being made. You hear it. We hear it. We would like to know where this man is and where other people are.

AA: Have you discussed about a military operation along these lines?

H.E: The moment we have information about his or other individual’s whereabouts, we will go after them if they happen to be on the Afghan side of the Durand Line. But I need to underline the fact that Afghan forces have undertaken specific military operations, on the Afghan side of the Durand Line where there was the presence of TTP militants, including Kunar, where we have lost significant numbers of our soldiers, police officers and other personnel in going after these individuals. And we have also managed to eliminate large numbers of foreign as well as local militants and terrorists in those operations.

AA: Now that the National Unity government has started a “new chapter” with Pakistan, do you feel some frustration when the Taliban attacks continue in Afghanistan?

H.E: As they say, “you cannot change your neighbor.” But in Afghanistan, we are working towards a normalized relation towards Pakistan. In some ways we are overcoming the legacy of long years, we are overcoming history in terms of the relationship between Pakistan and Afghanistan. Because of the strategic dialogue we have a common definition of the problem that we confront. Part of which is the fact that Afghanistan and Pakistan have been in a state of undeclared hostility. And we need to overcome that. We do need to sequence the actions we have to take. There are some areas we think we need more urgent action than others. And security is absolutely one of those areas. Support to our peace reconciliation efforts is absolutely one of those areas- the key priority.

AA: Did these efforts for “normalized” relations with Pakistan cost you or caused a conflict in Afghanistan’s ties with India?

Our relationship with India is not new. It is a civilizational relationship.

H.E: Afghanistan has always enjoyed a close and very warm relationship with India and that will continue. Our relationship with India is not new. It is a civilizational relationship.

H.E: Recently an Afghan journalist asked if India has lost Afghanistan to Pakistan. How would you comment on that?

AA: (laughs) People are entitled to their views. You cannot, especially in this day and age, ask someone not to have any views or to not give voice to their views. Those views have existed for as long as I can remember. The key is that the government of Afghanistan has a very clear and sincere position. It is that we want to be a platform for cooperation, for understanding, for building confidence in this region.

AA: President Ghani said in the 18th SAARC conference that Afghanistan was not a ground for “proxy war” between India and Pakistan. Is this how Pakistan’s interference in Afghanistan is seen?

H.E: Our stance was clear at the SAARC summit. Afghanistan will never allow anyone to use Afghan soil to play proxy games. We have suffered for far too long because of regional rivalries and proxy designs.

AA: Since the Peshawar School attack, 65000+ illegal Afghans have been evicted. Does this concern you?

Afghanistan will never allow anyone to use Afghan soil to play proxy games.

H.E: First of all I would like to take this opportunity to reiterate the gratitude and the appreciation of the government and the people of Pakistan for hosting millions of Afghan refugees for close to four decades, for opening their hearts and homes to their Afghan brothers and sisters. Afghan refugees have had the best experience of refugees, not only in this region, but probably the whole world. For that we are thankful and grateful.

There is a clear agreement between the two governments on the return of Afghan refugees. There are three principles. Their return will be voluntary, gradual and dignified. No Afghan refugee will be forced to leave Pakistan and we have assured the government of Pakistan about the determination of our government to create conducive conditions and environment inside Afghanistan to encourage refugees to return. The harassment of refugees, after the Peshawar attack, is something that we have discussed with the Pakistan government, the federal and the provincial. There has been a significant reduction in cases of arrest of Afghan refugees, registered and unregistered, as well as forced expulsions. The presence of Afghan refugees in Pakistan is a humanitarian issue and should continue to be treated as such by the government of Pakistan. And we will continue to make sure that Afghan refugees and the people of Afghanistan have that sense of gratitude and appreciation.

AA: Is the Afghan public hostile towards Pakistan because of these evictions?

H.E: In terms of public hostility, I am sure you read, see, hear such stories in the media, but as the ambassador of Afghanistan to Pakistan, what I try to underline is that the people and government of Pakistan have sacrificed a lot, have carried the burden for close to four decades by hosting millions of Afghan refugees. It is probably the right thing to continue that positive, brotherly treatment of Afghan refugees for however long is needed for us to facilitate the return of our refugees back to Afghanistan. You have an Afghan refugee who has spent twenty years in Pakistan and has been grateful and thankful for the treatment he has received, the freedom he has enjoyed, like sending his kids to school. If he/she is forced to leave Pakistan, that might not be the kind of outcome we want. I am thankful to some of the senior leaders in Pakistan who have sympathetically listened to this problem.

AA: Would you name some of them?

H.E: Minister of States and Frontier, Abdul Qadir Baloch, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif first and foremost, Foreign Secretary Sartaj Aziz, Mr Imran Khan for addressing the situation specifically in Khyber Pukhtunkhawa (KP), the Chief Minister of KP Pervez Khattak, who visited Kabul recently and many others.

AA: India and Bangladesh have resolved a decades old border dispute. Do you think a consensus can be reached on the Durand Line and its porous nature?

H.E: The issue of the Durand Line, its legal status and the decision about its future, is not in the hands of the Afghan government. It is the decision that the Afghan people will have to make at some point.

AA: Through a referendum?

H.E: It is up to the people to decide.

AA: But the government represents the people.

H.E: In our view the Durand line should not hamper cooperation between the states of Afghanistan and Pakistan about the key challenges that we face and the key opportunities that we have before us. There are major mega-regional energy projects such as Casa 1000 that will bring electricity from Central Asia to Afghanistan, Tajikistan and also the TAPI gas pipeline. It is not an issue in our view and has not been so.

AA: People moving back and forth between the Durand line is not a concern?

H.E: That actually is a testament to how deep and close relations are between Afghanistan and Pakistan. Look at the commonalities between Afghanistan and Pakistan, language, religion, history, food, good looks and millions of Pakistanis trace their ancestry to Afghanistan. It is something that should bring us closer. There are no other two countries, no other two neighbors that have so much in common. But yet we have our issues, we are confronting problems and there are opportunities that have come and gone, unrealized and unexplored. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has been very clear, about the need for peaceful and cooperative relations with all of Pakistan’s relations. He always singles out Afghanistan as a key neighbor for Pakistan and this in our view presents us with an historic opportunity, to try to translate our common vision.

AA: How will the Pakistan-China Economic Corridor benefit Afghanistan?

H.E: Again, President Ghani has been very clear. Any step that is taken in this region for enhancing infrastructure and connectivity will have a positive impact on Afghanistan because Afghanistan is at the heart of the Asia region. China is one of our strategic partners and given the warm and close relationship that exists between Pakistan and China we see only sky is the limit in terms of cooperation. Bilaterally between Afghanistan and China but also trilaterally between Afghanistan, Pakistan and China, we have had some good discussions at the political level for security cooperation and economic dialogue.

AA: You have worked with President Karzai as well President Ashraf Ghani, how do they differ in their personal style of leadership?

H.E: Well, what I can tell you is that the whole issue of “differences”, I disagree with the word in the first place. The “differences” between President Karzai and President Ghani are exaggerated. Both the leaders have an agreement when it comes to the need for normalized relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan. President Karzai did his best when in power and President Ghani is doing his best.

AA: President Karzai accused Pakistan of destabilizing Afghanistan more than once. But that isn’t the point. You have known them from close quarters. So how do they differ in their leadership style?

H.E: I would be reluctant to comment on that question. I would like you to visit Kabul, seek appointment with both the leaders and interview them.

AA: The Afghan cricket team dazzled everyone in World Cup 2015. How can you promote cricket diplomacy between Pakistan and Afghanistan?

H.E: We have been trying to promote cricket diplomacy between the two countries. We had a very successful match between the Team A of both the countries in Islamabad. A lot of people watched it and it was broadcasted live in Afghanistan and Pakistan. I believe that we can do more when it comes to promoting cricket exchanges between the two countries, national level but also at the level of provincial teams. Not all matches between Pakistan and Afghanistan have to be between national teams.

AA: The women’s’ teams may be?

H.E: Yes. Women’s’ team, under-18 team, provincial teams. They have been here and I have had a few meetings with colleague from Pakistan Cricket Board and it’s our hope that we will see more matches and exchanges in the coming months.

AA: Would the Afghan team like to come to Pakistan?

H.E: We would love to come, love to visit Pakistan. I have had this discussion with the leadership of Afghanistan Cricket Board. And they were here a few days ago and I had the honor of hosting the national cricket team at my residence. They would be delighted to come anytime to Pakistan, as much as possible.

AA: Are you here with you family?

H.E: Yes, my wife and our daughter.

AA: Does she go to school here?

H.E: Yes, she does.

AA: What is the best thing about being in Pakistan?

H.E: I feel at home. It’s a beautiful country. I have tried to visit as much as possible. It is a big country. So far I have managed to go to Sindh and Gilgit Baltistan.

AA: Did you get out of the hotels?

H.E: Absolutely.

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Is Peshawar Tragedy Going to Change Anything in Denialistan?

Will this prove to be the turning point in the war against extremism and terrorism? At least, I am not optimistic.

They bombed the Meena Bazar in Peshawar, killing 101 and injuring over 200 people, many of them women and children. We blamed “Blackwater” for the deadly attacks. They ripped through the Hazara town twice within a month, killing more than 200 and wounding over 400 Hazaras. They unabashedly claimed responsibility but we put the onus on Saudi-Iran rivalry. They launched a brazen attack on Peshawar airport and accepted responsibility in their trademark insolent and theatrical style. We brushed aside their acceptance and set on proving the Jewish or American hand behind the attacks, thanks to the demonic and “un-Islamic” tattoos found on the bodies of the terrorists. Their suicide bomber killed more than 60 people in an attack on a volleyball match in Afghanistan’s Paktika province. We didn’t even care because those fighting in Afghanistan, we believe, are the “good” guys who want to “liberate” their country from foreign occupation. They shot a 14-year-old girl in broad daylight. We first denied if the tragedy had actually happened and then declared the brave girl a “western stooge”. They tore through the crowd at Wagah border, killing at least 65 people. In a characteristic display of jingoism and thick-headedness, we (mis)directed our anger at India and howled “Allah u Akbar” and “Jeeway Jeeway Pakistan” with even more frenzy the next day. Yesterday, their savagery and barbarism took even their apologists by surprise. Having killed 126 people, mostly children, they immediately claimed responsibility. And in an incredible display of idiocy and paranoia, the conspiracy theorists still managed to come up with something: Muslims can’t do it. There must be a foreign hand in it. A Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf parliamentarian event went a step farther and blamed India for the barbaric attack.

Will this prove to be the turning point in the war against extremism and terrorism? At least, I am not optimistic.

Welcome to Denialistan! Yes, all this has happened in the “land of the pure” and there are no signs of it coming to an end in the near future. Will this prove to be the turning point in the war against extremism and terrorism? At least, I am not optimistic. Here are my reasons:

Nearly fifty one thousand (51,000) people have been killed in terrorist violence throughout the country over the past ten years. They have targeted people from almost every strata of society: children, women, workers, educationists, politicians, sectarian minorities, tribal elders, sportsmen, religious scholars, intellectuals, journalists, security officials etc. From mosques, hospitals and shrines to schools, shopping centres, prisons, and airports, almost all public places have been bombed or attacked. In nearly all cases, the perpetrators proudly claimed responsibility and vowed to continue the “holy war”. Even in the most fragile and under-developed societies, bloodshed of this magnitude would have at least resulted in the forging of a societal and state consensus to fight the menace of terrorism. In a country with the world’s 7th largest military and armed with the world’s sole “Islamic bomb”, however, this is not how things work. We have our own unique way of dealing with terrorism. Our first-ever counter-terrorism policy was announced only this February, which means it is not even worth broaching the subject of its implementation now.

We have our own unique way of dealing with terrorism. Our first-ever counter-terrorism policy was announced only this February, which means it is not even worth broaching the subject of its implementation now.

Let’s move to our foreign policy then. Over the past three decades, our security establishment has relied on Islamic militancy as a means of achieving its strategic regional goals. In the post-9/11 period, our security establishment kept on supporting the “good” militants to bleed Kabul and New Delhi. However, as has been the case with almost all their previous strategic adventures, this policy backfired and the Frankenstein turned viciously on its master. Even the loss of more than 50,000 lives and damage worth $100 billion did not desist them from pursuing a discriminatory policy regarding terrorism. Although recently the security establishment has ostensibly acted against some factions of the Afghan Taliban, it does not appear to be a strategic shift in their policy towards all non-state militant groups. At least, Jamaatud Dawa’s recent show of strength in Lahore and the level of state support it received — which was rightly termed by the Indian foreign office as “mainstreaming of terrorism” — do not suggest so. Similarly, the security agencies at best seem to be oblivious of the alarmingly growing influence of sectarian outfits in Balochistan.

Turning to the society, ours is a place where the staunchest opponents of these barbarians are dubbed as American mouthpieces, dollar-khor or liberal fascists. It is a society that cannot even ensure the security of its own children and yet wants a lone 14-year old girl to settle the score with the Western world and apprehend their leadership for the wrongs in Iraq, Palestine and Libya. It is a society that hates the strongest symbol of resistance to the Taliban — Malala Yousufzai — and loves their biggest apologist. The apologist, who is the most popular leader in the country, thinks that the Taliban just ‘want to liberate the country from the American War on Terror and that is it. He even pushed for establishing a Taliban office in Peshawar. And yet there are not even the slightest signs of remorse or regret on his face today. On the contrary, his level of self-righteousness and self-belief as the saviour of the nation are likely to grow in the coming days.

It is a society that hates the strongest symbol of resistance to the Taliban — Malala Yousufzai — and loves their biggest apologist. The apologist, who is the most popular leader in the country, thinks that the Taliban just ‘want to liberate the country from the American War on Terror and that is it.

Finally, let’s pay attention to the biggest myth that many Pakistanis subscribe to i.e. Muslims cannot kill innocent Muslims. Pakistanis have yet to come to terms with the bitter and stark reality that the perpetrators of the Peshawar tragedy were Muslims. No only this but they are even willing to simply dismiss the terrorists as foreign agents. They do not realise that no ideology on earth can be powerful enough to motivate someone to kill school-going children except religion. They turn a blind eye to a rich history of Muslims killing and slaughtering each other, all in the name of God. It is this dangerously facile and delusional worldview of our society as a whole that makes me pessimistic about our resolve and ability to fight terrorism. Unless we break this myth and come out of our world of denial, we should not even think about countering terrorism.

The militants are organised and are crystal-clear about their objectives and indiscriminate in their tactics. We are divided, polarised and confused about both our goals and tactics. The militants are adaptive, creative and mean business seriously. We are disloyal, inept and incapable of serious introspection. We have learned not to learn from the past. The very fact that Maulana Abdul Aziz — the Burqa Avenger — was invited by many TV channels for analysing the tragedy speaks volumes of our infinite capacity for stupidity and nonsense. Our memories are short. We will mourn the tragedy for three days and then everything will be back to business as usual. I see no light at the end of the tunnel. I can see only unending darkness.

Cartoon by Sabir Nazar

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The Wandering Falcon

Fatima Mullick

The Wandering Falcon

‘The Wandering Falcon’ – Jamil Ahmad’s first offering to the world of fiction – explores the traditional, honour-bound culture of the remote regions that straddle the borders of Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iran. Often appearing in the news for extremism, lawlessness and drone attacks, these shadowy ‘badlands’ are still little understood by people in other parts of Pakistan or around the world.

However, Ahmad’s years as a Pakistani civil servant in these areas and later as a minister in the Pakistani embassy in Kabul have provided him a rare insight and understanding of a land that has for centuries been resistant to the forces of modernity and change. Narrated with bitter honesty and naked compassion, the story is a sum of the many things that Ahmad saw and learned about the region and its people. Now, almost 30 years after writing this story, Ahmad (himself in his late 70s) has finally seen the book in print.

‘The Wandering Falcon’ can be read or understood either as a single story or a collection of stories set through nine chapters in the book. Each story can be read alone, but their chronological progression helps the reader appreciate how times change and how some things never vary, regardless of their point in history.

‘The Wandering Falcon’ can be read or understood either as a single story or a collection of stories set through nine chapters in the book. Each story can be read alone, but their chronological progression helps the reader appreciate how times change and how some things never vary, regardless of their point in history.

Appearing in each story is the character of Tor Baz, a boy who grows up during the course of the book, whose uprooted, nomadic life serves as a conduit to shine light on various clans and tribes that inhabit his region. His character is one that the reader never fully understands or gets to know, perhaps because the narrative focuses on the region as a whole rather than any individual that forms part of it. Tor Baz merely represents a window for the reader, with his migrant lifestyle and wanderings demonstrating that he is both everyman and no man – a symbolic representation of tribal identity.

Quite interestingly, Ahmad’s complete lack of description or even mention of major conflicts through the years is imperative to his narration, as he sets out to give his characters their own true identity as seen from within, as opposed to the circumstances that are external to their everyday lives.

Tor Baz merely represents a window for the reader, with his migrant lifestyle and wanderings demonstrating that he is both everyman and no man – a symbolic representation of tribal identity.

The beauty of the ‘The Wandering Falcon’ is Ahmad’s ability to make the reader, who may never have visited the region, feel immersed in his vivid, intricate and delicate descriptions of the issues that occupy the forefront of the lives of the tribes. There is violence, kidnapping, the buying and selling of women – in one case a father sells his favourite daughter for a pound of opium and in another a wife competes for her husband’s attentions over his dancing bear – and a fierce, unrelenting commitment to tradition. The harshness and danger of the nomadic life is clear to see, with no lack of uncertainty and conflict and no guarantees that the roads ahead with be passable, either literally or metaphorically.

Having read the book one can understand the high level of praise it has garnered from critics and readers alike; its unique and refreshing look into tribal life and customs, and its ability to narrate with sincerity but without judgement make it a truly remarkable read that will most likely stay with the reader long after the last page is turned.