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PEGIDA – What is Currently Happening in Germany?

Kirsten Danner and Niklas Mengel

Just while writing this article, terrorists attacked Charlie Hebdo, a satirical newspaper that published cartoons about the Prophet Mohammed, killing 12 people. The night after this horrible crime, other attacks took place: “As a response” people put fire to mosques in different parts of France. The beneficiaries of the bloodshed will most probably be populist movements all over Europe who spread hatred against immigrants and Muslims, among them Marine Le Pen, leader of the French nationalist party Front National which already received 25% of the votes in recent European elections.

In Sweden, mosques were burnt during the last weeks; in England, right-wing politicians discuss ways of strengthening the nation state against the idea of a united Europe, and many other countries see an increase in the votes for extremist parties of different political colors. At the same time, the world is looking at Germany where thousands are joining the movement PEGIDA and proclaiming their fear of a so called “Islamization of the Occident”, spreading hate against Muslims, immigrants and asylum seekers. Different countries, different symptoms, but an alarming common
tendency of radicalization.

The movement PEGIDA which is the abbreviation for “Patriotic Europeans against the Islamization of the Occident” attracts thousands of people since the end of 2014, to be seen during large public demonstrations – despite the cold temperatures of German winters.

Who demonstrates against what?
The first PEGIDA protests took place in the city of Dresden, a city known for its active political right, in October 2014. Starting with a few hundred, the number of protesters has grown until 5th of January up to a number of 18,000. The movement rapidly expanded to other German cities like Cologne, Dusseldorf and Bonn where local initiatives were founded. The crowd’s composition is heterogeneous. What unites the participants: They don’t feel represented by mainstream political parties and they don’t feel understood by currently governing politicians. Many of them are disenchanted with politics and frustrated. Likewise they do not trust German media and accuse them of collaborating with the established parties and of printing lies. All in all, the movement unites populist characteristics: xenophobic attitudes, anti-establishment attitudes, islamophobia, emotionalization and a simplification of complex political and social issues.

All in all, the movement unites populist characteristics: xenophobic attitudes, anti-establishment attitudes, islamophobia, emotionalization and a simplification of complex political and social issues.

Initially, the protests were directed against Islam and its assumed influence in Germany and a supposedly “failed” immigration and integration policy. The populists’ ‘favorite scapegoats’ are refugees, probably one of the most vulnerable groups in Germany with hardly any lobby. The protesters demand stricter immigration laws, less asylum seekers to be accepted and more of them should be deported back to their home countries. It is ironic that especially the initiator of the original PEGIDA in Dresden, Lutz Bachmann, calls for the deportation of criminal foreigners. He himself was sentenced to jail because of burglary and drug offenses and escaped to South Africa, from where he was deported back to Germany.

Far away from reality
The majority of the protesters have neither any personal contact to Muslims nor any knowledge about Islam, its values and principles, nor about how it is practiced in Germany. It is highly probable that none of them knows asylum seekers in person; neither has any of them ever seen state-provided accommodation for refugees, which is often in very bad condition. Let’s consider the facts: Only 2.5% of the population in Saxony, the region where Dresden is located, does not have the German citizenship. In addition, only 0.7% of all Muslims in Germany live there. According to scientific data, foreigners living in Germany are not more criminal than Germans. On the contrary, in the past year accommodations for refugees all over Germany have been attacked several times. Moreover, asylum seekers were assaulted physically in at least 55 documented cases, verbally in many more.

The movement itself states that it is “in favor of the reception of war refugees, in favor of the protection of the Christian-Judeo culture of the Occident, in favor of sexual self-determination and against the delivery of weapons, radicalism and religious hatred”

Officially, the movement distances itself from the violent obvious racism. Many of the protesters do not call themselves xenophobic. Statements like “I am not against refugees in general, but not in my neighborhood” are common. The movement itself states that it is “in favor of the reception of war refugees, in favor of the protection of the Christian-Judeo culture of the Occident, in favor of sexual self-determination and against the delivery of weapons, radicalism and religious hatred”. Representatives claim not to be racist, but claim to represent the political center and not the extreme right wing. However, the initiators of many of the local protest initiatives are members of extreme right-wing movements. Lutz Bachmann obviously sympathizes with the extreme right-wing parties such as the NPD – which is inspired by Hitler’s former party.

Do we forget our past?
During Nazi era and under Hitler, Germans committed probably the cruelest crimes in the history of mankind. Millions of Jews, Sinti and Roma, handicapped people, homosexuals, political opponents and people deviating in any way from the majority of the population were persecuted and killed. “This must not happen again”, speeches held at commemoration ceremonies often contain this phrase. Considering the PEGIDA movement it seems that Germans are about to forget their past.

All over Germany, up to 45,000 people protested against the PEGIDA movement on 5th of January, clearly outnumbering the latter.

However, opponents of the PEGIDA movement organized themselves in the meantime. Only a few hundred meters away from the PEGIDA demonstrations people gather for a tolerant, open and pluralistic Germany. On 22nd of December 12,000 people demonstrated in Munich against xenophobia and racism. All over Germany, up to 45,000 people protested against the PEGIDA movement on 5th of January, clearly outnumbering the latter. On 11th of January up to 35,000 went on the streets in Dresden to demonstrate their opposition to PEGIDA.

While in the beginning some politicians responded to PEGIDA demonstrations by offering “understanding for their worries”, the tide has turned. Both German chancellor Angela Merkel in her traditional New Year’s Address and German president Joachim Gauck in his yearly Christmas Address have clearly stated both their worries about the demonstrations and their clear opposition to those spreading fear and hate. The churches in Germany have reacted instantly stating clearly that no Christian should participate in PEGIDA movements. Church officials are switching off the cathedral lights when PEGIDA and similar movements are trying to abuse these landmarks for their doubtful messages and the Christian churches are seeking a closing of ranks with other religions in Germany, thus opening a new opportunity for ecumenical peace and understanding. Even more important is the awakening of the civil society: During the last weeks, anti-PEGIDA demonstrations have attracted far more people than the PEGIDA ones could and #NoPegida tweets, posts and petitions have united millions all over the country.

What does it say about German society?
Broadly speaking the movement sheds light on the fact that issues of immigration, asylum and the role of religion and especially Islam in Germany are to some extent unresolved or not discussed appropriately. Attacks like the one on Charlie Hebdo can easily be exploited by movements like PEGIDA as prove for their messages. In some articles about the current developments the question came up: “Are we – as a society – strong enough to deal with all that?”

Therefore, lastly, we’d like to allow for a more personal opinion on the issue:

The appeal to PEGIDA can also be traced back to failure on the political level. European politicians have made mistakes, they haven’t given the European countries modern immigration laws, they haven’t dealt with the challenges of integration in multicultural societies, they have been too willing to mark the European Union as the source of unpopular decisions, and some of them have taken advantage of latent xenophobia among their voters for populist election campaigns. All this has established breeding grounds for right-wing parties or movements like PEGIDA. But the last weeks have shown that PEGIDA is not, like it might be perceived, the core or heart of our society but the ugly right margin. PEGIDA must not be ignored but as long as the civil society is awake it should not be feared either, but encountered with clear rejection. Our main message therefore is: This is 2015, not 1930. PEGIDA is not representing Germany and the German society. And we hope that people around the world don’t only read about 20,000 ‘slobs’ spreading hate and fear, but also about many more people speaking up for tolerance and respect. And the fact that there is persistent resistance against PEGIDA or any kind of extreme right-wing political activities in general, have rather filled us with hope than with despair. A popular slogan these days in Germany is: “We are Charlie, but we are not PEGIDA!”

Still, right now, the end of PEGIDA’s activism cannot be foreseen. According to Lutz Bachmann, PEGIDA marches in Dresden and in other German cities will take place weekly. It is not sure whether PEGIDA is only a temporary phenomenon, but it certainly shows how important it is to differentiate between Islam, Islamism and Terrorism and the responsibility of politicians, citizens and civil society to encounter populist simplifications.

Kirsten Danner and Niklas Mengel are Master students in political sciences and economics from Germany.

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The Romanticisation of Hitler in Pakistan

What is the first thing that comes into your mind when you think of Germany? What great personalities do you relate to the country? As a German visiting Pakistan I got confronted with so many positive comments about Adolf Hitler that I more and more felt the urge to clarify why this ‘romanticisation’ of Hitler is absolutely unacceptable or even offensive to a German.

First of all it might be crucial to recall some basic facts about World War II as well as about Germany’s and especially Hitler’s role during that time and about the Holocaust since some of the positive perceptions of Hitler certainly derive from ignorance of historical facts.

I got confronted with so many positive comments about Adolf Hitler that I more and more felt the urge to clarify why this ‘romanticisation’ of Hitler is absolutely unacceptable or even offensive to a German.

As commonly known, WW2 started on 1st September 1939 with the German invasion of Poland, led by German dictator Adolf Hitler. Hitler had become chancellor of Germany in 1933 after his Nazi party had become the largest elected party in the German Reichstag. Gaining power in the period after WW1 where Germany had to deal with severe restrictions imposed by mainly France and Britain and suffering from the Great Depression in 1929, Hitler got public support especially by what some might call “successfully dealing” with these challenges. However, his aggressive foreign policy of expanding territory for the German people eventually resulted in the Second World War. From around 1933 on, Hitler turned Germany into a single-party dictatorship based on the totalitarian ideology of National Socialism, based on a concept of enemy personified by Jewish people and resulting in the systematic mass murder of approximately six million Jews, known as Holocaust. The genocide took place in stages, starting from laws gradually excluding Jews from society, followed by slave labor in so-called “concentration camps” to the detention in ghettos before being transported to “extermination camps” where Jewish men, women and children were systematically killed in gas chambers. In this context it is important to remember that while there surely has been resistance among the German population against Hitler’s policies of mass murder, there has also been considerable support or at least silent acceptance of the genocide, be it because of conviction of Hitler’s ideology or because of fear of the consequences in case of non-compliance.

Today, political culture in Germany is still largely influenced by this historical guilt, being a nation responsible for one of the largest and most cruel genocides in history. The last generation witnessing and being involved in WW2 has by now nearly passed away, but the guilt for the mass murder keeps on being passed on. The German education system and school curriculum play a decisive role in this way of dealing with the past, ensuring a certain responsibility of remembering our “German guilt”. This is not to say that today there is no political right existing in Germany. There certainly is. For example, the NPD, a sort of follow-up party of Hitler’s former NSDAP and known for its xenophobic program, is not forbidden in Germany and gets some support among limited parts of the population. However, as I mentioned before, in the “mainstream” German society, especially support for Hitler as a personality, standing in the first place as initiator of the Holocaust, is usually absolutely unacceptable. It is part of our political culture to be extra-cautious when it comes to raising right-wing activities in society and it seems like we have a special responsibility to take care of that. And our European neighbors still bring it up. When during the financial crises in Europe, Germany under Merkel was especially strict in dealing with the national debts crises in Greece, protesters in Greece compared Merkel with Hitler. It is a thought-terminating cliché whenever German politicians are being strict on an issue, rather seldom related to actual xenophobic policies. Without going much into detail here, you can also see that in terms of Germany’s political relations with Israel and how it is always a difficult issue for a German politician to criticize Israeli policies.

First of all, ignorance of Hitler’s actions apart from his “leadership skills” and economic reforms certainly contribute to his romanticisation. ‘I doubt that most [Pakistanis] like Hitler, since most Pakistanis have no clue about Hitler.’

With this background in mind, imagine – as a German – getting involved in a discussion with somebody telling you that Hitler, after all, was not that bad and that he at least was a great leader. Or imagine a situation in which somebody tells you frankly that he or she admires Hitler. This is exactly what I experienced on a lot of occasions in Pakistan and it certainly shocked me every time anew, especially since I mostly got in contact with rather educated people during my stay in Pakistan. I got extremely disturbed each time I saw a face literally lighting up when I said that I am from Germany and the first thing the other one replied was something like “Germany, the country Hitler ruled!” – Sometimes followed by another positive remark. Also in social media like facebook I came across several positive remarks and comments about Hitler among (young) Pakistanis. Furthermore, I found Hitler’s “My Struggle”, which is not freely available in Germany, everywhere in bookshops or even people’s homes in Pakistan.

So after all, what are the actual reasons for Hitler’s popularity in Pakistan? Not being able to assess the phenomenon as a whole, I will at least mention the most common reasons that I came across. First of all, ignorance of Hitler’s actions apart from his “leadership skills” and economic reforms certainly contribute to his romanticisation. ‘I doubt that most [Pakistanis] like Hitler, since most Pakistanis have no clue about Hitler.’ – That’s what I recently read in a blog and I am sure it applies to a certain extend. I also assume that education on WW2 and Hitler in Pakistani (public) schools is rather limited in this context.
Related to that, another reason is that many Pakistanis simply foreground other “achievements” of Hitler, rather neglecting the genocide. Hitler is considered a great leader who led Germany out of its economic crises, who built up the German economic infrastructure and who created jobs. Pakistanis often tend to praise Hitler’s leadership skills, especially when it comes to the military he was leading, certainly tracing back to the Pakistani population’s wide-spread support for its own military. More importantly, Hitler and his battle against Britain in WW2 is said to have contributed to India’s and Pakistan’s independence from British colonial rule since Britain had no longer the resources to control British India while at high war with Germany.
Another central reason for support for Hitler among Pakistanis is the prevalence of anti-Semitism in the country, which one can encounter throughout the Islamic world. This mainly reflects the stance of Pakistani Muslims in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and the view that Hitler was fighting Jews, which are often generally considered enemies of Muslims around the world and specifically in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, as those who deprive Muslims of their land. Still, it should be noted that a clear stance in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in favor of the Palestinian people cannot automatically be equated with support for Hitler’s anti-Semitic ideology or support for the Holocaust.

Another central reason for support for Hitler among Pakistanis is the prevalence of anti-Semitism in the country, which one can encounter throughout the Islamic world.

A last aspect that can be mentioned in this discussion are the parallels that – as some people argue – can be found between Fascism and (radical) Islamism, sometimes referred to with the term “Islamofascism”, relating modern Islamist (or Jihadist) movements to the European fascist movements. While the term itself is highly controversial, it draws attention to some common characteristics. Fascism is usually characterized by an exclusive, totalitarian and repressive ideology glorifying the nation-state and considering state and society as one with no control of power. There is one center of power personified by a strong leader who mobilizes the population around his ideology. While Islamist or Jihadist movements are normally not focused on a nation-state, they may share with Fascism its willingness to deploy violence and its focus on militancy, even leading up to (global) war. They both rely on an ideology making a strict division between those eligible to the ideology and those who are not. To control society they despise art and literature, meanwhile offering welfare services, and they especially target the youth for recruitment. Another common feature, especially in the context of the Fascist Nazi Regime, certainly is the prevalent anti-Semitism. However, critics say that the term suggests a historically inaccurate and simplistic relation, especially since used by former US president George W. Bush, often not differentiating between various Islamist militant movements and a tendency to equate Islam in general with Fascism. One should note that traditional Islamic society is based on clan and tribal communities and local loyalties with fragmented power structures, traditionally consensus decision-making, which cannot even be related to the underlying principles of Western industrial state fascism. Furthermore, the term is often used by (American) right-wing (neo-) conservatives propagandizing against Islam, one example being conservative writer and activist David Horowitz who in 2007 launched a series of lectures and protests on college campuses under the title “Islamofascism Awareness Week”.

A last aspect that can be mentioned in this discussion are the parallels that – as some people argue – can be found between Fascism and (radical) Islamism, sometimes referred to with the term “Islamofascism”

Without being able here to examine the whole historical background of any relation between Fascistic Ideology or more specifically, the Nazi Regime, and (radical) Islamist movements, I will at least give one example of a rather early Islamic movement that is said to be inspired by Fascism to some extent: the Khaksar movement founded by Allama Mashriqi. Khaksar was a movement based in Lahore, at that time British India, established in 1931 with the aim of liberating India from the rule of the British Empire. Underlying principles of Khaksar were named as justice, equality, peace, brotherhood and unity to mankind, regardless of race, caste or religion. However, among its 24 principles one can also find “Must obey orders of his/her appointed superior under all circumstances without hesitation.”, “Become the ruling power and keep the total supremacy of Islam in mind.” and “Parade in military style and adopt military discipline.”, revealing a rather militant ideology. Point 9 of its Fourteen Point Decree furthermore states: “Khaksar has as his objective authority over the entire world and attainment of collective and political supremacy of his nation through piety and virtuous deeds.” Other sources even claim that Mashriqi promoted global Jihad with his movement. Allama Mashriqi is also said to have met Hitler in 1926 and that they both inspired each other.

Discussing or mentioning a couple of possible reasons and explanations for support for Hitler in Pakistan, I will once again come back to the main point I was trying to make here, namely why it is so disturbing for a German to hear positive comments about Hitler. For most Germans, Hitler and his actions is not something that you can make up your mind about, that you can develop an opinion about, that you can look at from different perspectives and then argue that from a certain point of view, it has not been that bad or it has been justifiable. And I personally think that this is right because there is simply no excuse. Nothing justifies genocide or compensates for it, not the ‘bad’ or difficult situation Germany found itself in after WW1, nor the creation of jobs or any kind of economic performance, and certainly not great leadership skills. Still, taking Pakistan as an example, I eventually find it important to reveal, discuss and be aware of the underlying causes rooted in society and its historical experiences that actually explain, but in my opinion not entirely justify, why people think that way.

This article is of course to a large extend based on my personal subjective perceptions and is only referring to (my experiences in) Pakistan. I came across similar positive opinions about Hitler in Morocco though and heard from other Germans making similar experiences in several other countries.

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Pakistan: A View from Germany

Ronja Gottschiling
Ronja Gottschiling

I did not know much about Pakistan as a country, and even less about its political situation or its civil society.  I have spent far more time in Europe and West and North Africa in my life.  When I visited Pakistan, it was my first trip to anywhere in Asia.  My perpective on Pakistan after my experiences on this trip showed how different the country’s situation is from what I had expected as a visitor from Germany.

I am currently studying Political Science at the University of Muenster (a city in the West of Germany).  My studies so far have focused on migration and integration, human rights and democracy and the relationship between politics and religion. Every year, students at  my university organize an international United Nations simulation conference.  Students from universities all over the world, including some from Punjab University,  participate in this conference.  This is how I got to know people from Lahore and  got involved with BARGAD – an organization for youth development.  I worked with BARGAD in January of 2013 because I wanted to learn about the reality of life in Pakistan.

Working with an NGO gave me the opportunity to see the difference between what exists on the ground in Pakistan and the way the country is portrayed in the German media.  News mainly covers political instability, assassinations, religious fundamentalism, terrorism and poverty. While these things are certainly part of Pakistan’s reality, interacting with Pakistani students showed me that social activism is alive and growing within the country.  Though my initial perspective on Pakistan was largely negative, my experience with the NGO and these students inspired me to get involved and contact Pakistani activists to develop my own view.

Through BARGAD I have been working in the field of Pakistani Youth Policy.  After the passage of the 18th constitutional amendment, youth policy oversight has shifted from the national to the provincial level.  BARGAD and UNFPA have been cooperating with the provincial governments to formulate youth policies for the individual provinces. I found the approach that these NGOs pursued to be fascinating. In Punjab, BARGAD and UNFPA worked with the local government to organzie large-scale meetings to consult youth from a variety of social backgrounds, along with civil society organizations, to formulate recommendations for the youth policy draft. These recommendations later formed the policy that was passed by the Provincial Assembly of Punjab. Currently, other Pakistani provinces are formulating their youth policies in a similar manner to Punjab.

As with any consultative process, there are many challenges.  Governments decide how many of the actual recommendations by youth are incorporated into the final draft and how and when the measures will be implemented.  These policies currently only serve an advisory function, but they are still an important step, as it gets concerned youth involved and active in the community.

I am often asked about the similarities and differences between German and Pakistani youth policies.  It is difficult for me to compare the two given that just 25% of the German population is 25 and under, while over 50% of Pakistan’s population is in this age group.  The different population demographics mean that youth policies are pursued differently in Germany than in Pakistan.  However, there has been an increasing focus on youth even in Germany.

At the end of 2012, the German Federal Ministry for Family, Elderly People, Women and Youth launched an initiative to develop a national German Youth Policy. They called for organizations, institutions and other stakeholders invovled with youth issues to contribute to the process.  Nothing comparable to the consultative meetings been held in Pakistan will take place, but this is an important initiative. The aims of the German Ministry stated in the first basic points document issued on the subject are not so different than the aims stated in the Punjab Youth Policy document.  They both aim to create  better and more equal  educational and economic  opportunities for youth.  They intend to help them develop their potential and motivate them to get invovled in the political process.  Still, there is much to be done between policies and results.

Scholars often refer to the “youth bulge“ in Pakistan. For somebody from Germany – a country that struggles for qualified employees since there are less and less youth – this sounds like a country with great potential.  However, there will be consequences if these young people are not given the opportunity to develop to their full potential.  What alternatives will they turn to? This question may not be new even in Pakistan, but it is an important one.  NGOs such as BARGAD and Khudi are working to create these opportunities, and I was fascinated to see the work that they are doing in Pakistan.

Five weeks was just enough time for me to rush into the chaos of Lahore, catch a bit of the atmosphere, meet welcoming Pakistanis, and have new experiences in Gujranwala, but I would have loved to stay longer. I already miss the music, the chaos (well, just a bit), the food, the fog, all the friends I made, and the revelry of Lahore at night. While I will not miss the power outages and the patchy cell phone service, I am so thankful for the experience.  I loved how much people enjoyed taking pictures and I just wish I had more of them to remember my experience with.

During my time in Pakistan, people did all they could to help me feel at home.  I was so surprised when I was invited to a New Year’s Party! I enjoyed the discussions I had with people while I was there. It was interesting to see the Pakistani perspective on Germany, although I was a bit disappointed when people knew more about Hitler than the Westphalian Peace Treaty that had been signed in Germany.

Sometimes, I could hardly believe the way people viewed others because of different attitudes. I was shocked when I heard about the blasts in Quetta in mid-January and I watched in astonishment when those trucks full of people left Lahore for the long march to Islamabad. However, overall I enjoyed these experiences. I adored the debating societies at universities and schools, as through them I got to hear so many awesome speakers.  I honestly admired the people I have been working with and the effort they put into their projects.

I don’t want to sound naive, but neither do I want to say that the situation in Pakistan is sad and hopeless for its population. I have heard people talk this way several times, but this view is based on the simplified image that is created by the international media.  During my stay in Pakistan, I saw that it can be very challenging for those who want to bring about change in the country, and it would be a shame if their voices are not heard by people around the world.

 

(Published in The Laaltain – Issue 8)