Abd Manaf had two sons, Hashim and abd-Shams. Legend says that they were conjoined twins who were separated by their father with a sword. After the death of Abd Manaf his son Hashim assumed the prestigious position of his father-custody of Kaaba and looking after and providing water to the pilgrims of Mecca. Hashim also banished Abd-Shams from Mecca which gave birth to enmity between the two families.

When Abd Shams died, his son Ummaya laid the foundations of Banu Ummaya clan. The rivalry between the two clans was already set in motion primarily due to superiority complex, old grudges, desire for vengeance of the murder of kinsmen, political views, personal sentiments, and differences in lifestyle and thinking. Both Banu Umayya and Banu Hashim were the chiefs of Mecca and held high offices.The chieftainship of Banu Hashim was spiritual, whereas that enjoyed by Banu Umayya was political and they were also tradesmen and possessed enormous wealth.

Banu Hashim were the first ones to embrace Islam yet majority of Banu Ummaya remained pagans until the invasion of Mecca by Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) in 630 AD. It was then that Abu Sufyan, the patriarch of Banu Umayya alongwith other members of the clan embraced Islam.

Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) had two of his sons from Khadija (R.A) who both died in infancy while one son named Ibrahim from Maria Copt also expired when he was 17 months old. He had no offspring from the rest of his 9 wives. Had Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) had a son, there would have been no issue with succession but this was not to be.
Though Shias claim that Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) gave indications about Ali (R.A) as his successor yet he was never explicit about it. However, we find that though Abu Bakr (R.A) and Umer (R.A) proposed Fatima (R.A), the prophet (PBUH) bestowed the honor upon Ali as his son-in-law. Hence, when Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) died in 632 AD, there was no successor.

Soon after the prophet’s death, fissures and divisions among various power brokers emerged with full might. Yemenese tribes versus Hejazi tribes, Meccan tribes versus Medinese tribes, Ansars versus Mahjaroons, the elite and the commoners of Quresh, the two groups of the wives of the prophet, Muslemeen versus Munafiqeen, Ayesha (R.A) versus Ali (r.A), and Banu Hashim versus Banu Ummaya.

Umer (R.A) nominated Abu Bakr (R.A) while several others opposed it. But his nomination was never unchallenged as others were independently following Ali (R.A) as spiritual chief yet opposed Abu Bakr’s political leadership. The Shia-Sunni divide was already in place. Abu Bakr (R.A) died after two years and on his deathbed he nominated Umer (R.A) as the next caliph. Umer (R.A) ruled from 634 AD to 644 AD until he was stabbed to death by a Persian slave named Abu Lulu. Omer (R.A) was succeeded by an Ummayad named Usman (R.A). It is said that the 12 year rule of Usman (R.A) was marked by nepotism, intrigue and rebellion. And it was Abu Zar Ghaffari (R.A) who laid the foundation of Islam’s first political party known as Shiyan-e-Ali (Ali’s friends).Abu Zar (R.A) was thus exiled by Usman (R.A).

While resentment was growing against Usman (R.A), Muawiyah (R.A),Usman’s governor at Damascus was building a parallel state in Damascus out of the wealth looted from the Byzantine Empire. Usman (R.A) was murdered in 656 AD. Ali (R.A) then succeeded as the fourth Caliph on support from some Medinites. The transition, however, was not smooth. While the rebels from Kufa and Basra stood behind Ali (R.A) along with the people of Medina, Egyptian rebels backed Talha (R.A) as the next caliph whereas Meccan Quresh dominated by Ummayads expressed strong reservations about Ali (R.A). Although Talha (R.A) and Zubair (R.A), Ali’s associates supported him, they later stated that they were under duress.

Soon after Ali’s ascendancy as Caliph, the Muslims were split into three groups. One of those joined Muawiya (R.A) in Damascus. Zubair (R.A), Talha (R.A) and many others went to Mecca and formed an alliance with Aisha (R.A), the prophet’s widow, to revive the governing style of Abu Bakr (R.A) and Umer (R.A) while the rest at Medina were standing behind Ali (R.A). Pure power politics and contrary to the abstract concept of “Islamic brotherhood” Islam’s first civil war was on the horizon. This war known as battle of camel 656 AD)was fought between Ayesha (R.A) and Ali (R.A) resulting in the death of 3000 Muslims. The war was won by Ali (R.A) but the caliphate as an institution symbolizing Muslim unity was blown apart forever. Ali (R.A) faced another big challenge from the governor of Damascus; Amir Muawiya (R.A). When Ali (R.A) sought his allegiance, he mocked and told that Ali (R.A) was responsible for the death of Usman (R.A). Muawiyah (R.A) was an extremely sharp and seasoned politician and a master of horse-trading. And while Muawiyah (R.A) was buying loyalties including that of Ali’s brother Aqil, Ali was fast losing allies.

Muawiya (R.A) also proposed that there can be two caliphates simultaneously wherein Ali (R.A) could retain power over Iraq, Persia, Mecca and Medina while he could retain control over Egypt and Syria. The progressive Byzantine city civilization culture adopted in Syria was challenging the regressive culture of desert-dwelling Beduins. Ali (R.A) rejected the proposal and Muslims were all set for the second Islamic civil war.

In April 657 AD, the armies of Ali (R.A) and Muawiyah (R.A) faced each other at Siffin (present day Raqqah in Syria). The battle continued for four days leading to deaths of thousands of Muslims at the hands of fellow Muslims. On January 26,661 AD as Ali entered a mosque in Kufa to say his prayers, Ibn-e-Maljam the assasin struck him with a poisoned sword. He died two days later.

After Ali was murdered in 661 AD,his eldest son, Hasan (R.A), succeeded him but he soon signed a peace treaty with Muawiyah (R.A) wherein Hasan (R.A) was to hand over power to Muawiya under some conditions. When Hasan was poisoned to death in 670 AD, Hussain (R.A), his younger brother, became the head of Banu Hashim clan. His father’s supporters in Kufah gave their allegiance to him. However, he told them he was still bound by the peace treaty between Hasan (R.A) and Muawiyah(R.A) as long as Muawiyah (R.A) was alive.

Muawiyah (R.A) appointed his son Yazid as the next caliph who upon succession, asked Governors of all provinces to take an oath of allegiance to him. The necessary oath was secured from all parts of the countrybut Hussain (R.A) and Abdullah ibn Zubayr (R.A) refused to declare allegiance.

Interestingly, Hussain (R.A) had fought under the command of Yazid when his army laid siege to the Byzantine city of Constantinople (674–678.) Hussain (R.A) would also frequently visit Muawiya (R.A) and enjoyed cordial relations with both Muawiya(R.A) and Yazid before Yazid was nominated as the next Caliph.

Kufa was a garrison town in Iraq, which had been Ali’s capital, and many of his supporters lived there. Hussein (R.A) received letters from people of Kufa expressing offer of support if he claimed the caliphate. But this proved untrue. As he prepared for the journey to Kufa, Abdullah bin Umar, Abdullah bin Zubayr and Abdullah bin Abbas argued against his plan, and if he was determined to proceed to Kufa, asked him to leave women and children in Mecca. But Hussein (R.A) rejected their suggestions.

Ibn-e-Zayad, the governor of Basra sent a message to Hussein (R.A), at instruction of Yazid, stating, “You can neither go to Kufa nor return to Mecca, but you can go anywhere else you want.” Despite the warning, he continued towards Kufa and during the trip, he and many members of his family were killed or captured during the Battle of Karbala which took place on October 10,680 AD. The rivalry between the Banu Hashim and Banu Ummaya clans of Banu Quresh culminated in the battle of Karbala.

The battle of Karbala also proved decisive in fragmenting the supporters of Ali (R.A) and his progeny vis-a-vis those who sided with the other three caliphs as Prophet Mohammad’s successors.

The divide between Shias and Sunnis was also complete.

It was to grow and expand further and was destined to engulf the middle east centuries later.

The post The Origins of Shia Sunni Split in Islam appeared first on Laaltain.

On February 29, 1956, Pakistan’s constituent assembly adopted the first constitution and on March 2, 1956, a resolution was passed by the same assembly to commemorate March 23 as republic day. The chief guest at the “republic” day celebrations was President Iskander Mirza, an ex-General turned bureaucrat, while the first Prime Minister, Chaudhary Mohammad Ali, a hardcore bureaucrat also graced the occasion.

March 23 was originally supposed to commemorate the adoption of the first constitution of Pakistan and thus the declaration of Pakistan as a republic. However, when Field Marshal Mohammad Ayub Khan abrogated the constitution on October 27, 1958 – barely 30 months after its adoption – and declared martial law, there was no constitution and no rationale for the “republic” day. Hence, in order to justify celebrating the national day, Ayub Khan’s regime changed it to commemorate the 1940 landmark; when on 23rd March All India Muslim League passed the Lahore Resolution which is considered the foundational document in the making of Pakistan.

Hence, a military dictator redefined “Republic” day which the entire nation celebrates now. It is also interesting to note that the Lahore resolution was passed on March 24 and not March 23. Moreover, there was no mention of the word Pakistan in it. The only thing which was sought in the resolution was a greater autonomy for the Muslim majority areas of the Indian Sub-Continent.

The welcome address at the general session of the Muslim League was made by Sir Shah Nawaz Mamdot who had left the Unionist Party two years back in 1938 and was made the President of Punjab Muslim League.

A. K. Fazal-ul-Haq, a Bengali politician heading the Krishak Praja Party presented the Lahore resolution. Later, he was dismissed from public office by Governor-General Iskander Mirza on charges of inciting secession, and was later banned from politics by General Ayub Khan.

Interestingly it is controversial as to who authored the Lahore resolution. Some say that it was written by Sir Sikander Hayat Khan, KBE, MBE a Unionist and a British loyalist. However, the dominant view is that the resolution was penned by Sir Zafarullah Khan. In the 1953 bloody Lahore riots, religious extremists called for Zafarullah Khan’s expulsion due to his adherence to the Ahmadiyya faith. The pressure from religious extremists finally led to Zafarullah’s resignation as Foreign Minister in October 1954.

It was only the Sindh Assembly, amongst all the provinces of undivided India, which passed a resolution on March 3, 1943, presented by the late G.M. Syed on the lines of the Lahore Resolution, in support of Pakistan. On June 26, 1947 the Sindh Assembly, at a special session, decided to join the new Pakistan Constituent Assembly. Thus, Sindh became the first province to opt for Pakistan.

On April 26, 1948 the government of elected Chief Minister of Sindh Mr. Ayub Khuhro which enjoyed the support of majority of the members of the provincial assembly was dismissed as MA Jinnah ordered the Governor Hidayatullah to dispose him off.

The man behind passage of the Pakistan resolution in the Sindh assembly was G. M. Syed. Being a nationalist he was labeled as a traitor by the establishment. Later he suffered 33 years of imprisonment, sometimes even in solitary confinement. He died in police custody at Jinnah Hospital Karachi on April 25, 1995 at the age of 91.

The post The Irony of 23rd March appeared first on Laaltain.

وسیم الطاف

نام مریض :مولوی محمد خان شیرانی
عہدہ: چیئرمین
تعلیمی قابلیت: درس نظامی (بنوں سے)
علامات: زیادہ بھوک لگنا، زیادہ پیاس لگنا،بار بار پیشاب آنا ۔
تجویز کردہ ٹیسٹ: HBA1c
تشخیص: زیا بیطس
مولانا کا ردعمل: انگریزی ٹیسٹ۔ تشخیص اور تجویز کردہ طریقہ علاج پر مکمّل اعتماد اور اطمینان کا اظہار اور علاج کے لئے کسی مغربی ملک جانے کی خواہش ۔
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ام مریض: محمّد حنیف جالندھری
عہدہ: ممبر
تعلیمی قابلیت: حافظ قرآن
علامات:تھکن ‘جوڑوں میں درد ‘بھوک نہ لگنا ‘معدے میں درد کی ٹیسیں اٹھنا ‘بیماری محسوس ہونا
تجویز کردہ ٹیسٹ: ALT
تشخیص: ہیپاٹائیٹس سی
مولانا کا ردعمل: انگریزی ٹیسٹ تشخیص اور تجویز کردہ طریقہ علاج پر مکمّل اعتماد اور اطمینان کا اظہار اور علاج کے لئے کسی مغربی ملک جانے کی خواہش۔
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نام مریض:افتخار حسین النقوی
عہدہ: ممبر
تعلیمی قابلیت: میٹرک
علامات: رات کو نیند نہ آنا۔کسی کام میں دل نہ لگنا۔ بےچینی اور خالی پن کا احساس ہونا۔ خود کشی کی خواہش پیدا ہونا۔
تجویز کردہ ٹیسٹ: گولڈ برگ ڈپریشن ٹیسٹ
تشخیص: ذہنی دباؤ
مولانا کا ردعمل: انگریزی ٹیسٹ تشخیص اور تجویز کردہ طریقہ علاج پر مکمّل اعتماد اور اطمینان کا اظہار اور علاج کے لئے کسی مغربی ملک جانے کی خواہش۔
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نام مریضہ: پاکستانی عورت
تعلیمی قابلیت: باشعور
علامات: ریپ (زنا بالجبر) کا شکار، غیرت کے نام پر قتل، سماجی عدم قبولیت کا شکار، انصاف کے دروازے پر انتظار کی طویل قطار پر۔
تجویز کردہ ٹیسٹ: ڈین۔این۔اے معائنہ کے ذریعے ریپ کا معروضی ثبوت
تشخیص: فرسودہ سماجی قدریں
مریضہ کا ردعمل: ٹیسٹ کے نتائج پر اعتماد کا اظہار۔ انصاف ملنے کی قوی امید
مولانا کا ردعمل: استغفراللہ ۔نامنظور! نامنظور! نامنظور!!
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اوپر دیے گئے تین کیس ملک کی نظریاتی کونسل کے رہنماؤں کی علالت کے دوران اسپتال ریکارڈ سے حاصل کی گئی شخصی معلومات پر مبنی ہیں۔ ان علمائے دین نے خود کو لاحق جسمانی مسائل کے علاج کے لیے صدیوں سے رائج چلے آ رہے ٹونہ اور چلہ کے طریقے استعمال کرنے کی بجائے جدید سائنسی طریقۂ کار کے تحت علاج کروانے کو مناسب سمجھا اور طبی معائنے کے بعد تجویز کردہ ٹیسٹوں پر اعتماد کرتے ہوئے انگریزی ادویہ کو استعمال کرنے میں بیماری سے عافیت سمجھی۔ صرف یہی نہیں، بلکہ اس خواہش کا اظہار بھی کیا کہ وہ نسبتا ماہرانہ طرز علاج کے لیے مغربی ممالک کا سفر کرنے کو ترجیح دیں گے۔ ان دستیاب شدہ مثالوں کے علاوہ بھی ملک کے سبھی مذہبی رہنما ہاضمے کی خرابی سے لے کر مردانہ کمزوری تک، ہر قسم کے عوارض کے علاج کے لیے ہومیو پیتھک اور دیگر جدید سائنسی طریقہ ہائے علاج کو اختیار کرتے ہیں۔ اور ان پر اعتماد کرتے ہیں۔
جبکہ چوتھا معاملہ ملک کی نو کروڑ سے ذیادہ خواتین کے ساتھ لاحق، ریپ کے مسئلہ سے متعلق ہے۔ اس روز افزوں جرم کی تفتیش کے لیے دنیا بھر میں ڈین۔اے۔ٹیسٹ کے ذریعے ملزم پر جرم ثابت کیا جاتا ہے اور اس میں غلطی کا امکان صفر کے برابر ہے۔ پاکستان میں سرکاری طور پر قائم مذہبی پیشواؤں کی کونسل نے دیگر تمام معاملات میں سائنسی آلات اور ٹیکنالوجی کے استعمال کو جائز سمجھنے کے باوجود زنابالجبر کو ثابت کرنے کے لیے سائنسی معائنے کو غیر شرعی قرار دے دیا ہے۔ ڈی۔این۔اے ٹیسٹ سے چونکہ مجرم کے لیے اصولی طور پر کوئی راہ فرار باقی نہیں رہتی، لہذا اس سے ناصرف اس جرم میں کمی آنے کی امید ہے، بلکہ ملک میں عورت کے مقام و مرتبہ میں بہتری آنے کی توقع بھی بہت روشن ہے۔ عورت کے سماجی مرتبہ میں بہتری کے اس “خدشہ” کے پیش نظر ملک بھر کے پیشواؤں کی اکثریت نے اسے اپنی من چاہی قدروں کے خلاف خطرہ سمجھ لیا ہے۔
پاکستان میں قتل اور چوری سمیت تمام جرائم کی تفتیش میں پوسٹ مارٹم رپورٹ، خون کے معائنے اور فنگر پرنٹ کے جائزے وغیرہ جیسے طریقوں کو ایک تسلیم شدہ حل کے طور پر استعمال کیا جاتا اور مجرم تک قانون کی رسائی کو ممکن بنایا جاتا ہے۔ لیکن عورت کو انصاف دلانے کے معاملے میں،زنابالجبر کے لیے مذہبی رہنماؤں کا معروضی سائنسی جائزے پر فتووں کی بوچھاڑ پر یہی کہا جا سکتا ہے؛
ہے جناب شیخ کا فلسفہ بھی عجیب سارے جہان سے
جو وہاں پیو تو حلال ہے، جو یہاں پیو تو حرام ہے!!

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By Waseem Altaf

Writing textbooks for students who are in a formative stage of their lives is serious business. Errors and omissions on the part of the writers, due to ignorance or self-complacency, are pardonable and can be corrected. However, when textbooks are written with the express aim of misguiding pupils and indoctrinating adherence to the status quo — support for the regime in power, glorification of war, self-righteousness, hatred for other religious and ethnic groups — it becomes a criminal act where an entire generation is spoiled at the altar of vested interests of the powerful few. Furthermore, the ability to ask questions, which lies at the core of the learning process, is throttled by discouraging students from challenging dogmas and conventional views. This strain of malicious intent is particularly visible in social sciences in Pakistan where disinformation is deliberately disseminated.

The entire process of writing textbooks is closely monitored by the state, whereby government employees write books that are approved by the Ministry of Education and then published by the Textbook Boards. Hence there is no room for any deviation from the ‘official version’. During Zia’s 11 years of infamy, the name of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was omitted from the textbooks, while the same texts were all praise for Zia, extolling him as a pious man chosen by God to make Pakistan a fortress of Islam. Pakistani textbooks are also notably silent when it comes to the detrimental aspects of military rule, although there is ample criticism of the democratic system. There is virtually no content pertaining to civic virtue and education in democracy.

There is also far more material on the reasons and outcomes of wars with India than on the constitution, issues of governance, political economy, society and culture. There seems to be an implicit appreciation of violence and wars as a means to resolve international issues, and the significance of national security and the pivotal role of the armed forces is constantly highlighted.

India and the Congress are made synonymous with Hinduism, whereas there is no mention of the fact that there are more Muslims in India than in Pakistan and seven Presidents of the Indian National Congress were Muslims. Facts are also twisted about the Mutiny of 1857, which was an Indian war of independence rather than some sort of a ‘jihad’ undertaken by the Muslims alone.

The education system as a whole discourages critical thinking, since challenging what is written in the textbooks is not allowed. Instead, the main concern is for students to attain maximum marks. Hence the teachers and pupils are primarily focused on adopting strategies which ensure high grades. Rote memorization is one common tool. Our students get so used to it that even while appearing for the CSS exam you find them mugging. The situation is so grim even at university level that teachers who try to impart knowledge and invoke independent reasoning are disliked by most of the students, while those who tell them which questions to prepare for the exams (along with the answers) are the most revered ones. In South Punjab, university teachers considered going on strike when they were asked by the Vice Chancellor to conduct research. ‘Notes’ are the most prized item and the common denominator which binds all stakeholders in the system of education.

In the absence of cognitive development at the abstract level, dogmas and clichés are what we are left with to offer. When we fail to critically appreciate a phenomena due to lack of an adequate reasoning ability we replace it with high sounding words, slogans, and boastful pretentions, that are totally devoid of any substance. All this is couched in high emotionality, which further incapacitates us to think critically. Hence we transform into living beings with little thinking and high emotions.

And such individuals are the product our education system is bestowing upon this nation. Just look at some members of our academia, our men of letters, our politicians, our judges, our media persons, the generals and the mullahs, all weary of rational thinking, not only charged with emotions but also displaying arrogance and self-righteousness. Intolerance is the natural consequence which today is so pervasive in our society.

Schools are the nursery of the nation, and as long as we do not replace the contents of our textbooks by setting aside our vested interests, by being honest and truthful and portraying the facts and not concocted stories, we will not be able to produce useful members of civic society who are creative, innovative and productive, with a scientific approach towards their discipline and towards life. However if we fail, the alternative is too horrifying to contemplate in a society which is already breeding intolerance at an alarming rate.

(Waseem Altaf is a human rights activist.)

(Published in The Laaltain — Issue 7)

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